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Full text of "The Slaveholding Indians"

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HARVARD 
COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 




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The Slaveholding Indians 

( 1 ) As Slaveholders and Secessionists 

(2) As Participants in the Civil War 

(3) Under Reconstruction 

Vol. II 



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I- >^*- ^^^ tfy^^exw *x^!^TZ^ ^^^>» » g>^ ^yiWw ^^^^^» '^:^^ 














Facsimile op Negro Bill of Sale 

Slightly reduced 



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The American Indian as 
Participant in the Civil War 



BV 



ANNIE HELOISE ABEL, Ph.D. 

Prtfiumr tfHitttrj, Smith CtUtg* 




THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY 
CLEVELAND: 1919 



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C^^ 



^ 



APR I 1919^ 



COPTIUCHT> 19 19, BY 

ANNIE HELOI8E ABEL 



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To 

My former colleagues and students at Goucher 

College and in the College Courses for 

Teachers, Johns Hopkins University 

this book is affectionately dedicated 



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CONTENTS 

I Thb Battlb of Pea Ridgb, or Elkhorn and its 

MORB IMMBDIATB EfFBCTS I3 

II Lanb's Brigadb and thb Incbption OF THB Indian 37 

III Thb Indian Rbfuobes in southern Kansas . 79 

IV Thb Organization of thb first Indian Expedi- 

tion .... 91 

V The March to Tahlequah and the Retrograde 

Movement of the "White Auxiliary" . . 125 

VI General Pike in Q)ntrovbrsy with General 

HiNDMAN 147 

VII Organization of the Arkansas and Red River 

SUPBRINTBNDBNCY I7I 

VIII The Retirement of General Pike ... 185 

IX The Removal of the Refugees to the Sac and 

Fox Agency 203 

X Negotiations with Union Indians . . . 221 

XI Indian Territory in 1863, January to June 

inclusive 243 

XII Indl\n Territory in 1863, July to December 

INCLUSIVE 283 

XIII Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 . . 313 

Appendix 337 

Selected Bibliography 353 

Index 369 



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ILLUSTRATIONS 

Facsimile of Negro Bill of Salb .... Frontispiece 
Skftch Map showing thb Main Thbatrb of Border 
Warfarb and thb Location of Tribes within the 

Indian Country 39 

Portrait of Colonel W. A. Phillips .... 93 
Facsimile of Monthly Inspection Report of the Sec- 
ond Creek Regiment of Mounted Volunteers . 245 
Facsimile of Monthly Inspection Report of the First 

Creek Regiment OF Mounted Volunteers . . 315 



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I. THE BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE, OR ELK- 
HORN, AND ITS MORE IMMEDIATE 
EFFECTS 

The I n dian a lliance^ so ass iduously so ught _bY_thc 
Southern Confederacy and so laboriously built up, soon 
revealed itselFfoTe^ 

takaBIe signs of its instability appeared in connection 
with the first real military test to which it was subject- 
ed, the Battle of Pea Ridge or Elkhorn, as it is better 
known in the South, the battle that stands out in the 
history of the War of Secession as being the most de- 
cisive victory to date of the Union forces in the West 
and as marking the turning point in the political rela- 
tionship of the State of Missouri with the Confederate 
government. 

In the short time during which, following the re- 
moval of General Fi^emont, General David Hunter 
was in full command of the Department of the West- 
and it was practically not more than one week -he 
completely reversed the policy of vigorous offensive 
that had obtained under men, subordinate to his prede- 
cessor.^ In southwest Missouri, he abandoned the ad- 
vanced position of the Federals and fell back upon ' 
Sedalia and RoUa, railway termini. That he did this \ 
at the suggestion of President Lincoln* and with the 
tacit approval of General McClellan" makes no differ- 

* The Century Company's Wat Book, vol. i, 3x4-3x5. 
^Official Records, first ser., vol. iii, 553-554. Hereafter, except where 
otherwise designited, the first series will i]wa3r8 be understood. 
•'-'IbiiL, 568. 



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14 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

ence now, as it made no difference then, in the consid- 
eration of the consequences; yet the consequences were, 
none the less, rather serious. They were such, in fact, 
as to increase very greatly the confusion on the border 
and to give the Confederates that chance of recovery 
which soon made it necessary for their foes to do the 
work of Nathaniel Lyon all over again. 

It has been most truthfully said* that never, through- 
out the period of the entire war, did the southern gov- 
ernment fully realize the surpassingly great importance 
of its Trans-Mississippi District; notwithstanding that 
when that district was originally organized,** in Janu- 
ary, 1862, some faint idea of what it might, pcradven- 
ture, accomplish did seem to penetrate,* although ever 
so vaguely, the minds of those then in authority. It 
was organized under pressure from the West as was 
natural, and under circumstances to which meagre and 
tentative reference has already been made in the first 
volume of this work.^ In the main, the circumstances 
were such as developed out of the persistent refusal of 
General McCulloch to cooperate with General Price. 

There was much to be said in justification of Mc- 
Culloch's obstinacy. To understand this it is well to 
recall that, under the plan, lying back of this first 

^Oficial Records^ yol. liii, tupplemcnt, 781-782; Edwirdt, Shelby and His 
Men, X05. 

• — Ibid.^ vol. viii, 734. 

* It it doubtful if even this ought to be conceded in view of the fact that 
President Divit liter admitted that Vtn Dom entered upon the Pet Ridge 
campaign for the sole purpose of effecting "a diversion in behalf of General 
Johnston" {Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government^ vol. ii, 51]. 
Moreover, Van Dom had scarcely been assigned to the command of the 
Trans-Mississippi District before Beauregard was devising plans for bring- 
ing him east again [Greene, The Mississippi^ 11; Roman, Military Operations 
of General Beauregard, vol. i, 240-244]. 

^Abel, American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist, 225-226 and 
footnote 522. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 1 5 

appointment to the Confederate command, was the 
expectation that he would secure the Indian Territory. 
Obviously, the best way to do that was to occupy it, 
provided the tribes, whose domicile it was, were will- 
ing. But, if the Cherokees can be taken to have voiced 
the opinion of all, they were not willing, notwithstand- 
ing that a sensationally reported* Federal activity 
under Colonel James Montgomery,' in the neighbor- 
hood of the frontier posts, Cobb, Arbuckle, and Wash- 
ita, was designed to alarm them and had notably in- 
fluenced, if it had not actually inspired, the selection 
and appointment of the Texan ranger/** 

Unable, by reason of the Cherokee objection thereto, 
to enter the Indian country; because entrance in the 
face of that objection would inevitably force the Ross 
faction of the Cherokees and, possibly also, Indians of 
other tribes into the arms of the Union, McCuUoch 
intrenched himself on its northeast border, in Arkan- 
sas, and there awaited a more favorable opportunity 
for accomplishing his main purpose. He seems to 
have desired the Confederate government to add the 
contiguous portion of Arkansas to his command, but 
in that he was disappointed.^^ Nevertheless, Arkansas 
early interpreted his presence in the state to imply that 
he was there primarily for her defence and, by the 
middle of June, that idea had so far gained general 
acceptance that C. C. Danley, speaking for the Arkan- 
sas Military Board, urged President Davis "to meet 

^Official Records, vol. liii, lupplement, 679. 

'The name of Montgomery wit not one for even Indians to conjure 
with. Jamet Montgomery was the most notorious of bushwhackers. For 
an aqbount of some of his earlier adventures, see Spring, Kansas^ 341, 347- 
250^ and for a characterizatioo of the man himself, Robinson^ Kansas Cofi' 
Aict, 435. 

10 Oficial Records^ vol. liii, supplement, 683. 

^^ Snead, Figki for Missouri^ a29-a3a 



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1 6 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

the exigent necessities of the State'' by sending a second 
general officer there, who should command in the 
northeastern part." 

McCulloch's relations with leading Confederates in 
Arkansas seem to have been, from the first, in the high- 
est degree friendly, even cordial, and it is more than 
likely that, aside from his unwillingness to offend the 
neutrality-loving Cherokees, the best explanation for 
his eventual readiness to make the defence of Arkansas 
his chief concern, instead of merely a means to the ac- 
complishment of his original task, may be found in 
that fact. On the twenty-second of May, the Arkansas 
State Convention instructed Brigadier-general N. Bart 
Pearce, then in command of the state troops, to cooper- 
ate with the Confederate commander ''to the full extent 
of his ability"" and, on the twenty-eighth of the same 
month, the Arkansas Military Board invited that same 
person, who, of course, was Ben McCulloch, to assume 
command himself of the Arkansas local forces." Sym- 
pathetic understanding of this variety, so early estab- 
lished, was bound to produce good results and McCul- 
loch henceforth identified himself most thoroughly 
with Confederate interests in the state in which he was, 
by dint of untoward circumstances, obliged to bide his 
time. 

It was far otherwise as respected relations between 
McCulloch and the Missouri leaders. McCulloch had 
little or no tolerance for the rough-and-ready methods 
of men like Claiborne Jackson and Sterling Price. He 
regarded their plans as impractical, chimerical, and 
their warfare as after the guerrilla order, too much like 

*« official Records^ vol. liii, supplement, 698-699. 
li^itid^ 687. 
i^^ihid., 69X. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 17 

that to which Missourians and Kansans had accustomed 
themselves during the period of border conflict, follow- 
ing the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. McCul- 
loch himself was a man of system. He believed in or- 
ganization that made for efl[iciency. Just prior to the 
Battle of Wilson's Creek, he put himself on record as 
strongly opposed to allowing unarmed men and camp 
followers to infest his ranks, demoralizing them.^' It 
was not to be expected, therefore, that there could ever 
be much in common between him and Sterling Price. 
For a brief period, it is true, the two men did appar- 
ently act in fullest harmony; but it was when the safety 
of Price's own state, Missouri, was the thing directly 
in hand. That was in early August of 1 86 1 . Price put 
himself and his command subject to McCulloch's or- 
ders." The result was the successful engagement, Au- 
gust 10 at Wilson's Creek, on Missouri soil. On the 
fourteenth of the same month. Price reassumed control 
of the Missouri State Guard" and, from that time on, 
he and McCulloch drifted farther and farther apart; 
but, as their aims were so entirely different, it was not 
to be wondered at. 

Undoubtedly, all would have been well had McCul- 
loch been disposed to make the defence of Missouri his 
only aim. Magnanimity was asked of him such as the 
Missouri leaders never so much as contemplated show- 
ing in return. It seems never to have occurred to either 
Jackson or Price that cooperation might, perchance, 
involve such an exchange of courtesies as would require 
Price to lend a hand in some project that McCuUoch 
might devise for the well-being of his own particular 

V *» official Records^ vol. liii, luppkmeiit, 721. 
16 — Ibid^ 7aa 
iT^Ibid^ 727. 



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1 8 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

charge. The assistance was eventually asked for and 
refused, refused upon the ground, familiar in United 
States history, that it would be impossible to get the 
Missouri troops to cross the state line. Of course, 
Price's conduct was not without extenuation. His 
position was not identical with McCulloch's. His 
force was a state force, McCulloch's a Confederate, or 
a national. Besides, Missouri had yet to be gained, offi- 
cially, for the Confederacy. She expected secession 
states and the Confederacy itself to force the situation 
for her. And, furthermore, she was in far greater dan- 
ger of invasion than was Arkansas. The Kansans were 
her implacable and dreaded foes and Arkansas had 
none like them to fear. 

In reality, the seat of all the trouble between McCul- 
loch and Price lay in particularism, a phase of state 
rights, and, ii^ its last analysis, provincialism. Now 
particularism was especially pronounced and especially 
pernicious in the middle southwest. Missouri had al- 
ways more than her share of it. Her politicians were 
impregnated by it. They were interested in their own 
locality exclusively and seemed quite incapable of tak- 
ing any broad survey of events that did not immediate- 
ly affect themselves or their own limited concerns. In 
the issue between MfcCulloch and Price, this was all 
too apparent. The politicians complained unceasingly 
of McCuUoch's neglect of Missouri and, finally, taking 
their case to headquarters, represented to President 
Davis that the best interests of the Confederate cause 
in their state were being glaringly sacrificed by McCul- 
loch's too literal interpretation of his official instruc- 
tions, in the strict observance of which he was keeping 
close to the Indian boundary. 

President Davis had personally no great liking for 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 19 

Price and certainly none for his peculiar method of 
fighting. Some people thought him greatly preju- 
diced ^' against Price and, in the first instance, perhaps, 
on nothing more substantial than the fact that Price 
was not a Westpointer." It would be nearer the truth 
to say that Davis gauged the western situation pretty 
accurately and knew where the source of trouble lay. 
That he did gauge the situation and that accurately is 
indicated by a suggestion of his, made in early Decem- 
ber, for sending out Colonel Henry Heth of Virginia 
to command the Arkansas and Missouri divisions in 
combination.*^ Heth had no local attachments in the 
region and "had not been connected with any of the 
troops on that line of operations."" Unfortunately, 
for subsequent events his nomination" was not con- 
firmed. 

Two days later, December 5, 1861, General McCul- 
loch was granted" permission to proceed to Richmond, 
there to explain in person, as he had long wanted to do, 
all matters in controversy between him and Price. On 
the third of January, 1862, the Confederate Congress 
called" for information on the subject, doubtless under 
pressure of political importunity. The upshot of it all 
was, the organization of the Trans-Mississippi District 
of Department No. 2 and the appointment of Earl Van 
Dorn as major-general to command it. Whether or 
no, he was the choice" of General A. S. Johnston, de- 
partment commander, his appointment bid fair, at the 

^* official Records, vol. Hii, tupplcmeDt, 816-8x7. 

i» — /^iV, 76a. 

*• — Ibid,, vol. viii, 725. 

»* — Itid,f 701. 

*» Wright, General Officers of the Confederate Armf, 33, 67. 

*• Official Records, vol. viii, 70a. 

^^ Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States, vol. i, 637. 

••Fonnby, American Civil War, 129. 



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20 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

time it was madei to put an end to ail local disputes 
and to give Missouri the attention she craved. The 
ordnance department of the Confederacy had awakened 
to a sense of the value of the lead mines '* at Granby and 
Van Dorn was instructed especially to protect them.*^ 
His appointment, moreover, anticipated an early en- 
counter with the Federals in Missouri. In preparation 
for the struggle that all knew was impending, it was of 
transcendent importance that one mind and one interest 
should control, absolutely. 

The Trans- Mississippi District would appear to have 
been constituted and its limits to have been defined 
without adequate reference to existing arrangements. 
The limits were, "That part of the State of Louisiana 
north of Red River, the Indian Territory west of Ar- 
kansas, and the States of Arkansas and Missouri, ex- 
cepting therefrom the tract of country east of the Saint 
Francis, bordering on the Mississippi River, from the 
mouth of the Saint Francis to Scott County, Missou- 
ri. . ." '• Van Dorn, in assuming command of the 
district, January 29, 1862, issued orders in such form 
that Indian Territory was listed last among the limits '* 
and it was a previous arrangement affecting Indian 
Territory that was most ignored in the whole scheme of 
organization. 

It will be remembered that, in November of the pre- 
ceding year, the Department of Indian Territory had 
been created and Brigadier-general Albert Pike as- 
signed to the same.'® His authority was not explicitly 

•• official Records, vol. liii, lupplement, 767, 774. 

^^Van Dorn'i protection^ if given, wis given to little purpose; for the 
mines were soon abandoned [Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the 
Border, 186s, lao]. 

*• Official Records, vol. viii, 734. 

^•-^Ibid., 745. 

«• — /Hi., 690. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 21 

superseded by that which later clothed Van Dorn and 
yet his department was now to be absorbed by a military 
district, which was itself merely a section of another 
department. The name and organization of the De- 
partment of Indian Territory remained to breed con- 
fusion, disorder, and serious discontent at a slightly 
subsequent time. Of course, since the ratification of 
the treaties of alliance with the tribes, there was no 
question to be raised concerning the status of Indian 
Territory as definitely a possession of the Southern Con- 
federacy. Indeed, it had, in a way, been counted as 
such, actual and prospective, ever since the enactment 
of the marque and reprisal law of May 6, 1861." 

Albert Pike, having accepted the appointment of de- 
partment commander in Indian Territory under some- 
what the same kind of a protest- professed conscious- 
ness of unfitness for the post- as he had accepted the 
earlier one of commissioner, diplomatic, to the tribes, 
lost no time in getting into touch with his new duties. 
There was much to be attended to before he could pro- 
ceed west. His appointment had come and had been 
accepted in November. Christmas was now near at 
hand and he had yet to render an account of his mis- 
sion of treaty-making. In late December, he sent in his 
oflicial report" to President Davis and, that done, held 
himself in readiness to respond to any interpellating 
call that the Provincial Congress might see fit to make. 
The intervals of time, free from devotion to the comple- 
tion of the older task, were spent by him in close atten- 
tion to the preliminary details of the newer, in secur- 
ing funds and in purchasing supplies and equipment 

*^ Richirdson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacf, vol. i, io$. 

*'The officii! report of Committioner Pike, in manuscript, and bearing 
his signature, is to be found in the Adjutant-general's office of the U.S. War 
Department 



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22 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

generally, also in selecting a site for his headquarters. 
By command of Secretary of War, Judah P. Benjamin, 
Major N. B. Pearce" was made chief commissary of 
subsistence for Indian Territory and Western Arkaqsas 
and Major G. W. Clarke,** depot quartermaster. In 
the sequel of events, both appointments came to be of a 
significance rather unusual. 

The site chosen for department headquarters was a 
place situated near the junction of the Verdigris and 
Arkansas Rivers and not far from Fort Gibson." The 
fortifications erected there received the name of Can- 
tonment Davis and upon them, in spite of Pike's decid- 
edly moderate estimate in the beginning, the Confeder- 
acy was said by a contemporary to have spent "upwards 
of a million dollars." ** In view of the ostensible ob- 
ject of the very formation of the department and of 
Pike's appointment to its command, the defence of In- 
dian Territory, and, in view of the existing location of 
enemy troops, challenging that defence, the selection of 
the site was a reasonably wise one ; but, as subsequent 
pages will reveal, the commander did not retain it long 
as his headquarters. Troubles came thick and fast up- 
on him and he had barely reached Cantonment Davis 
before they began. His delay in reaching that place, 
which he did do, February 25,*^ was caused by various 
occurrences that made it difficult for him to get his ma- 
terials together, his funds and the like. The very diflSi- 
culties presaged disaster. 

Pike's great purpose -and, perhaps, it would be no 
exaggeration to say, his only purpose -throughout the 

** Oficial Records, vol. liii, supplement, 764. 

•* — Ibid, 77a 

w—.Ibid, 764. 

**Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the Border^ 72, 

•^ Oficial Records, vol. viii, a86. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 23 

full extent of his active connection with the Confeder- 
acy was to save to that Confederacy the Indian Terri- 
tory. The Indian occupants in and for themselves, 
unflattering as it may seem to them for historical 
investigators to have to admit it, were not objects of 
his solicitude except in so far as they contributed to 
his real and ultimate endeavor. He never at any time 
or under any circumstances advocated their use gener- 
ally as soldiers outside of Indian Territory in regular 
campaign work and offensively.** As guerrillas he 
would have used them.** He would have sent them on 
predatory expeditions into Kansas or any other near-by 
state where pillaging would have been profitable or 
retaliatory; but never as an organized force, subject to 
the rules of civilized warfare because fully cognizant 
of them.** It is doubtful if he would ever have allowed 
them, had he consulted only his own inclination, to so 
much as cross the line except under stress of an attack 
from without. He would never have sanctioned their 
joining an unprovoked invading force. In the treaties 

*SThe provision in the treaties to the eflfect that the alliance consum- 
mated between the Indians and the Confederate government was to be both 
offensive and defensive must not be taken too literally or be construed so 
broadly as to militate against this fact: for to its truth Pike, when in dis- 
tress later on and accused of leading a horde of tomahawking villains, re- 
peatedly bore witness. The keeping back of a foe, bent upon regaining 
Indian Territory or of marauding, might well be said to partake of the 
character of offensive warfare and yet not be that in intent or in the or- 
dinary acceptation of the term. Everything would have to depend upon the 
point of view. 

>* A restricted use of the Indians in offensive guerrilla action Pike would 
doubtless have permitted and justified. Indeed, he seems even to have 
reconunended it in the first dajrs of his interest in the subject of securing 
Indian Territory. No other interpretation can possibly be given to his sug- 
gestion that a battalion be raised from Indians that more strictly belonged 
to Kansas {Official Records , vol. iii, 581]. It is also conceivable that the 
force he had reference to in his letter to Benjamin, November aj, 1861 [ibid.^ 
vol. ^iii, 698] was to be, in part, Indian. 

*o Harrell, Confiderate Militarf History, vol. x, lai-iaa. 



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24 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

which he negotiated he pledged distinctly and ex- 
plicitly the opposite course of action, unless, indeed, 
the Indian consent were first obtained." The Indian 
troops, however and wherever raised under the provi- 
sions of those treaties, were expected by Pike to consti- 
tute, primarily, a home guard and nothing more. If 
by chance it should happen that, in performing their 
function as a home guard, they should have to cross 
their own boundary in order to expel or to punish an 
intruder, well and good; but their intrinsic character 
as something resembling a police patrol could not be 
deemed thereby affected. Moreover, Pike did not be- 
lieve that acting alone they could even be a thoroughly 
adequate home force. He, therefore, urged again and 
again that their contingent shoud be supplemented by a 
white force and by one sufficiently large to give dignity 
and poise and self-restraint to the whole, when both 
forces were combined, as they always ought to be.** 

At the time of Pike's assumption of his ill-defined 
command, or within a short period thereafter, the In- 
dian force in the pay of the Confederacy and subject to 
his orders may be roughly placed at four full regiments 
and some miscellaneous troops." The dispersion** of 
Colonel John Drew's Cherokees, when about to attack 
Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la, forced a slight reorganization and 
that, taken in connection with the accretions to the com- 
mand that came in the interval before the Pea Ridge 
campaign brought the force approximately to four full 

^In illuttratioo of. this, take the statement of the Creek Treaty, article 
xzxvL 

^> Aside from the early requests for white troops, which were antecedent 
to his own appointment as brigadier-general, Pike's insistence upon the need 
for the same can be vouched for by reference to his letter to R. W. Johnson, 
January 5, i86a [Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 795-796]. 

*» Pike to Benjamin, November 27, 1861, ibid, vol. viii, 697. 

** Official Records, vol. viii, 8, 17-18. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 25 

regiments, two battalions, and some detached compa- 
nies. The four regiments were, the First Regiment 
Choctaw and Chickasaw Mounted Rifles under Colo- 
nel Douglas H. Cooper, the First Creek Regiment un- 
der Colonel D. N. Mcintosh, the First Regiment Cher- 
okee Mounted Rifles under Colonel John Drew, and 
the Second Regiment Cherokee Mounted Rifles under 
Colonel Stand Watie. The battalions were, the Choc- 
taw and Chickasaw and the Creek and Seminole, the 
latter under Lieutenant-colonel Chilly Mcintosh and 
Major John Jumper. 

Major-general Earl Van Dorn formally assumed 
command of the newly created Trans-Mississippi Dis- 
trict of Department No. 2, January 29, 1862.** He was 
then at Little Rock, Arkansas. By February 6, he had 
moved up to Jacksonport and, a week or so later, to 
Pocahontas, where his slowly-assembling army was to 
rendezvous. His call for troops had already gone forth 
and was being promptly answered,** requisition having 
been made upon all the state units within the district, 
Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, also Texas. Indian 
Territory, through Pike*^ and his subordinates," was 
yet to be communicated with; but Van Dorn had, at 
the moment, no other plan in view for Indian troops 
than to use them to advantage as a means of defence 
and as a corps of observation.** His immediate ob- 
ject, according to his own showing and according to 
the circumstances that had brought about the forma- 
tion of the district, was to protect Arkansas'* against 

*• official Records, vol. viii, 745-746. 

*• — IbU., vol. liii, supplement, 776-779, 783-785, 790^ 793-794. 
^''^•'Ibid., vol. viii, 749, 763-764. 
^•^Ibid., 7«4-7«5. 

*^ Van Dorn to Price, February 14, i86a, ibid,, 75a 
*<^ Arkansas seemed, at the time, to be but feebly protected. R. W. 
Johnsdn deprecated the calling of Arkansas troops eastward. They were 



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26 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

invasion and to relieve Missouri ; his plan of operations 
was to conduct a spring campaigi) in the latter state, 
"to attempt St. Louis," as he himself put it, and to 
drive the Federals out; his ulterior motive may have 
been and, in the light of subsequent events, probably 
was, to effect a diversion for General A. S. Johnston; 
but, if that were really so, it was not, at the time, di- 
vulged or so much as hinted at. 

Ostensibly, the great object that Van Dorn had in 
mind was the relief of Missouri. And he may have 
dreamed, that feat accomplished, that it would be pos- 
sible to carry the war into the enemy's country beyond 
the Ohio ; but, alas, it was his misfortune at this junc- 
ture to be called upon to realise, to his great discomfi- 
ture, the truth of Robert Burns' homely philosophy. 
The best-laid schemes o' mice and men 
Gang aft a-gley. 

His own schemes and plans were all rendered utterly 
futile by the unexpected movement of the Federal forces 
from Rolla, to which safe place, it will be remembered, 
they had been drawn back by order of General Hunter. 
They were now advancing by forced marches via 
Springfield into northwestern Arkansas and were driv- 
ing before them the Confederates under McCulloch 
and Price. 

The Federal forces comprised four huge divisions 
and were led by Brigadier-general Samuel R. Curtis. 
Towards the end of the previous December, on Christ- 
mas Day in fact, Curtis had been given "command of 
the Southwestern District of Missouri, including the 

needed at home, not only for the defence of Arkansas, but for diat of the 
adjoining territory [Oficial Records, vol. liii, supplement, jSi-jSa], There 
were, in fact, only two Arkansas regiments absent and they were guarding 
the Mississippi River \thid, 786]. By the middle of February, or there- 
abouts, Price and McCulloch were in desperate straits and were steadily 
'^falling back before a superior force to the Boston Mountains" \thid., 787]. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 27 

country south of the Osage and west of the Meramec 
River." " Under orders of November 9, the old De- 
partment of the West, of which Fremont had had 
charge and subsequently Hunter, but for only a brief 
period, had been reorganized and divided into two dis- 
tinct departments, the Department of Missouri with 
Halleck in command and the Department of Kansas 
with Hunter. Curtis, at the time when he made his 
memorable advance movement from Rolla was, there- 
fore, serving under Halleck. 

In furtherance of Van Dorn's original plan. General 
Pike had been ordered to march with all speed and 
join forces with the main army. At the time of the 
issuance of the order, he seems to have offered no ob- 
jections to taking his Indians out of their own territory. 
Disaster had not yet overtaken them or him and he had 
not yet met with the injustice that was afterwards his 
regular lot. If his were regarded as more or less of a 
puppet command, he was not yet aware of it and, obliv- 
ious of all scorn felt for Indian soldiers, kept his eye 
single on the assistance he was to render in the accom- 
plishment of Van Dorn*8 object. It was anything but 
easy, however, for him to move with dispatch. He 
had difficulty in getting such of his brigade as was 
Indian and as had collected at Cantonment Davis, a 
Choctaw and Chickasaw battalion and the First Creek 
Regiment, to stir. They had not been paid their money 
and had not been furnished with arms and clothing as 
promised. Pike had the necessary funds with him, 
but time would be needed in which to distribute them, 
and the order had been for him to move promptly. It 
was something much more easily said than done. Nev- 
ertheless, he did what he could, paid outright the Choc- 
taws and Chickasaws, a performance that occupied 

^^Oficial Records, vol. liii, supplement, vol. viii, 462, 



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28 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

three precious days, and agreed to pay Mcintosh's 
Creek regiment at the Illinois River. To keep that 
promise he tarried at Park Hill one day, expecting 
there to be overtaken by additional Choctaws and 
Chickasaws who had been left behind at Fort Gibson. 
When they did not appear, he went forward towards 
Evansville and upward to Cincinnati, a small town on 
the Arkansas side of the Cherokee line. There his^ 
Indian force was augmented by Stand Watie's regi- 
ment" of Cherokees and at Smith's Mill by John 

B'Watie't regiment of Cherokeet was scarcely in either marching or 
fighting trim. The following letter from John Rots to Pike, which it number 
nine in the John Rom Papers in die Indian Office, it elucidative. It it a copy 
used in the action against John Ross at the close of the war. The italics 
indicate underscorings that were probably not in the original. 

ExBCunvB Department, Park Hill, Feb^ asth, i86a. 
To Bug. Gvh\ A. Pike, Com^^ Indian Department 

Snt: I have deemed it my duty to address you on the present oc- 
casion- You have doubtless ere this received my communication 
enclosing the action of the National Council with regard to the final 
ratification of our Treaty- Col. Drew's Regiment promptly took up 
the line of march on the receipt of your order from Fort Smith to- 
wards Fayetteville. / accompanied the Troops some t2 miles East of 
this and I am happy to assure you in the most confident manner that in 
my opinion this Regiment wilt not fail to do their whole duty, when' 
ever the Conflict with the common Enemy shall take place. There 
are so many conflicting reports as to your whereabouts and conse- 
quendy much interest is felt by the People to know where the Head 
Qrs. of your military operations will be established during the present 
emergencies- / had intended going up to see the Troops of our 
Regiment; also to visit the Head Qrs of the Army at Cane Hill in 
view of affording every aid in any manner within the reach of my 
power to repel the Enemy. But I am sorry to say I have been dis- 
suaded from going at present in consequence of some unwarrantable 
conduct on the part of many base, reckless and unprincipled persons 
belonging to Watie's Regiment who are under no subordination or re- 
straint of their leaders in domineering over and trampling upon 
the rights of peaceable and unoffending cithtens, I have at all times 
in the most unequivocal manner assured die People that you will not 
only promptly discountenance, but will take steps to put a stop to 
such proceedings for the protection of their persons and property and 
to redress their wrongs- This is not the time for crimination and 
recrimination; at a proper time / have certain specific complaints to 
report for your investigation. Pardon me for again reiterating that 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 29 

Drew's." The Cherokees had been in much confu- 
sion all winter. Civil war within their nation im- 
pcnded.'* None the less, Pike, assuming that all would 
be well when the call for action came, had ordered all 
the Cherokee and Creek regiments to hurry to the help 
of McCulloch." He had done this upon the first in- 
timation of the Federal advance. The Cherokees had 
proceeded only so far, the Creeks not at all, and the 
main body of the Choctaws and Chickasaws, into 
whose minds some unscrupulous merchants had in- 
stilled mercenary motives and the elements of discord 
generally, were lingering far in the background. Pike's 
white force was, moreover, ridiculously small, some 
Texas cavalry, dignified by him as collectively a squad- 
ron. Captain O. G. Welch in command. There had 
as yet not been even a pretense of giving him the three 
regiments of white men earlier asked for. Toward the 
close of the afternoon of March 6, Pike "came up with 
the rear of MtCuUoch's division,"" which proved to 
be the very division he was to follow, but he was one 
day late for the fray. 

The Battle of Pea Ridge, in its preliminary stages, 
was already being fought. It was a three day fight, 
counting the skirmish at Bentonville on the sixth be- 
tween General Franz Sigel's detachment and General 
Sterling price's advance guard as the work of the first 
day." The real battle comprised the engagement at 

the man of the People an all right in Sentiment for the support of 
the Treaty of Alliance wth the Confederate States, I shall be happy 
to hear from you - I have the honor, to be 3rour ob^ Senr^ 

John Ross, Prinl Chief, Cherokee Nation. 
''Pike's Report, March 14, 1862, Official Records, vol. viii, 286-292. 
*« James Mcintosh to S. Cooper, January 4, 1862, ibid,, 732; D. H. Cooper 
to Pike, February 10^ 1862, ibid., vol. xiii, 896. 
^9 ^ Ibid., 819. 
•• — Ibid., vol. viii, 287. 
" — Ibid., 208-215, 304-306. 



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30 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Leetown on the seventh and that at Elkhorn Tavern" 
on the eighth. At Leetown, Pike's Cherokee contin- 
gent" played what he, in somewhat quixotic fashion, 
perhaps, chose to regard as a very important part. The 
Indians, then as always, were chiefly pony-mounted, 
"entirely undisciplined," as the term discipline is usu- 
ally understood, and "armed very indiflFerently with 
common rifles and ordinary shot-guns."" The ponies, 
in the end, proved fleet of foot, as was to have been ex- 
pected, and, at one stage of the game, had to be tethered 
in the rear while their masters fought from the vantage- 
ground of trees." The Indian's most effective work 
was done, throughout, under cover of the woods. In- 
dians, as Pike well knew, could never be induced to 
face shells in the open. It was he who advised their 
climbing the trees and he did it without discounting, 
in the slightest, their innate bravery." There came a 
time, too, when he gave countenance to another of their 

B*The Elkhorn Tavern engagement is sometimes referred to, and most 
appropriately, as the Sugar Creek [Phisterer, Statisticai Record, 95]. Colonel 
Eugene A. Carr of the Third Illinois Cavalry, commanding the Fourth 
Division of Curtis's army, described the tavern itself as ''situated on the 
west side of the Springfield and Fayetteville road, at the head of a gorge 
known as Cross Timber Hollow (die head of Sugar Creek) • . ." 
lOfficial Records, vol viii, 358]. "Sugar Creek Hollow," wrote Curtis, 
"extends for miles, a gorge, Iffith rough precipitate sides . . ." libid., 589]. 
It was there the closing scenes of the great battle were enacted. 

B'The practice, indulged in by both the Federals and the Confederates, 
of greatly overestimating die size of the enemy force was resorted to even 
in connection with the Indians. Pike gave the number of his whole com- 
mand as about a thousand men, Indians and whites together [Official Records, 
vol. viii, a88 ; xiii| 820] notwithstanding that he had led Van Dom to expect 
that he would have a force of "about 8,000 or 9,000 men and three batteries 
of artillery" \lhid,, vol. viii, 749]. General Curtis surmised that Pike con« 
tributed five regiments [ibid., 196] and Wiley Britton, who had excellent 
opportunity of knowing better because he had access to the records of both 
sides, put the figures at "three regiments of Indians and two regiments of 
Texas cavalry" [Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 145]. 

•0 Official Records, vol. xiii, 819. 

•i^lbid., vol viii, a88. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 31 

peculiarities. He allowed Colonel Drew's men to fight 
in a way that was "their own fashion," " with bow and 
arrow and with tomahawk/* This, as was only meet 
it should, called down upon him and them the oppro- 
brium of friends and foes alike.*V The Indian war- 
whoop was indulged in, of itself enough to terrify. It 
was hideous. 

The service that the Cherokees rendered at different 
times during the two days action was not, however, to 
be despised, even though not sufficiently conspicuous 
to be deemed worthy of comment by Van Dorn.** At 
Leetown, with the aid of a few Texans, they managed 
to get possession of a battery and to hold it against re- 
peated endeavors of the Federals to regain. The death 
of McCulloch and of Mcintosh made Pike the ranking 
oflicer in his part of the field. It fell to him to rally 

^> Official Records, vol. viii, 389. 

•^^Ibid., 195. 

^^ The northern press took up the matter and the New York Tribune was 
particularly virulent against Pike. In its issue of March 27, 1862, it publish- 
ed the following in bitter sarcasm: 

"The Albert Pike who led the Aboriginal Corps of Tomahawkers and 
Scalpers at the battle of Pea Ridge, formerly kept school in Fairhaven, Mass., 
where he was indicted for playing the part of Squeers, and cruelly beating 
and starving a boy in his family. He escaped by some hocus-pocus law, 
and emigrated to the West, where the violence of his nature has been ad- 
mirably enhanced. As his name indicates, he is a ferocious fish, and has 
fought duels enough to qualify hunself to be a leader of savages. We sup- 
pose that upon the recent occasion, he got himself up in good style, war-paint, 
nose-ring^ and all. This new Pondac is also a poet, and wrote 'Hymns to 
the Gods' in Blackwood; but he has left Jupiter, Juno^ and the rest, and 
betaken himself to the culture of the Great Spirit, or rather of two great 
spirits, whisky being the second." 

^Van Dom did not make his detailed official report of this battle until 
the news had leaked out that the Indians had mangled the bodies of the 
dead and committed other atrocities. He was probably then desirous of 
being as silent as he dared be concerning Indian participation, since he, in 
virtue of his being chief in command, was the person mainly responsible for 
it In October of the preceding year, McCulloch had favored using the 
Indians against Kansas {Official Records, vol. iii, 719, 721]. Cooper objected 
strongly to dieir being kept "at home" \ibid,, 614] and one of the leading 
chiefs insisted that they did not intend to use the scalping knife \ibid., 625]. 



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32 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

McCulloch's broken army and with it to join Van 
Dom. On the eighth, Colonel Watie's men under 
orders from Van Dorn took position on the high ridges 
where they could watch the movements of the enemy 
and give timely notice of any attempt to turn the Con- 
federate left flank. Colonel Drew's regiment, mean- 
while, not having received the word passed along the 
line to move forward, remained in the woods near Lee- 
town, the last in the field. Subsequently, finding them- 
selves deserted, they drew back towards Camp Stephens, 
where they were soon joined by "General Cooper, 
with his regiment and battalion of Choctaws and Chick- 
asaws, and" by "Colonel Mcintosh with 200 men of his 
regiment of Creeks." •^ The delinquent wayfarers 
were both fortunate and unfortunate in thus tardily 
arriving upon the scene. They had missed the fight 
but they had also missed the temptation to revert to 
the savagery that was soon to bring fearful ignominy 
upon their neighbors. To the very last of the Pea 
Ridge engagement, Stand Watie's men were active. 
They covered the retreat of the main army, to a certain 
extent. They were mostly half-breeds and, so far as 
can be definitely ascertained, were entirely guiltless of 
the atrocities charged against the others. 

General Pike gave the permission to fight "in their 
own fashion" specifically to the First Cherokee Mount- 
ed Rifles, who were, for the most part, full-blooded In- 
dians; but he later confessed that, in his treaty negotia- 
tions with the tribes, they had generally stipulated that 
they should, if they fought at all, be allowed to fight 
as they knew how." Yet they probably did not mean, 
thereby, to commit atrocities and the Cherokee Nation- 
al Council lost no time, after the Indian shortcomings 

•^ official Records, vol. viii, 393. 
••-^IbU, vol. xiii, 819. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 33 

at the Battle of Pea Ridge had become known, in put- 
ting itself on record as standing opposed to the sort of 
thing that had occurred, 

Resolved^ That in the opinion of the National Council, the 
war now existing between the said United States and the Con- 
federate States and their Indian allies should be conducted on 
the most humane principles which govern the usages of war 
among civilized nations, and that it be and is earnestly recom- 
mended to the troops of this nation in the service of the Con- 
federate States to avoid any acts toward captured or fallen foes 
that would be incompatible with such usages. ** 

The atrocities committed by the Indians became al- 
most immediately a matter for correspondence between 
the opposing commanders. The Federals charged mu- 
tilation of dead bodies on the battle-field and the tom- 
ahawking and scalping of prisoners. The Confeder- 
ates recriminated as against persons ^'alleged to be 
Germans." The case involving the Indians was re- 
ported to the joint committee of Congress on the Con- 
duct of the Present fFar;^^ but at least one piece of 
evidence was not, at that time, forthcoming, a piece 
that, in a certain sense, might be taken to exonerate the 
whites. It came to the knowledge of General Blunt 
during the summer and was the Indians' own confes- 
sion. It bore only indirectly upon the actual atrocities 
but showed that the red men were quite equal to making 
their own plans in fighting and were not to be relied 
upon to do things decently and in order. Drew's men, 
when they deserted the Confederates after the skirmish 
of July third at Locust Grove, confided to the Federals 
the intelligence "that the killing of the white rebels 
by the Indians in" the Pea Ridge "fight was determined 

•• Official Records, vol. xiii, 836. 

TO By vote of the oommittee, General Curtis had been instructed to 
furnish information on the subject of the employment of Indians by the 
Confederates {Journal, 9a]. 



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34 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

upon before they went into battle."^* Presumptively, 
if the Cherokees could plot to kill their own allies, 
they could be found despicable enough and cruel 
enough to mutilate the dead," were the chance given 
them and that without any direction, instruction, or 
encouragement from white men being needed. 

The Confederate defeat at Pea Ridge was decisive 
and, as far as Van Dorn's idea of relieving Missouri 
was concerned, fatally conclusive. A« early as the 
twenty-first of February, Beauregard had expressed a 
wish to have him east of the Mississippi " and March 
had not yet expired before Van Dorn was writing in 
such a way as to elicit the consummation of the wish. 
The Federals were in occupation of the northern part 
of Arkansas; but Van Dorn was very confident they 
would not be able to subsist there long or "do much 
harm in the west." In his opinion, therefore, it was 
incumbent upon the Confederates, instead of dividing 
their strength between the east and the west, to concen- 
trate on the saving of the Mississippi.^* To all appear- 
ances, it was there that the situation was most critical. 
In due time, came the order for Van Dorn to repair 
eastward and to take with him all the troops that might 
be found available. 

The completeness of Curtis's victory, the loss to the 
Southerners, by death or capture, of some of their best- 
loved and ablest commanders, McCulloch, Mcintosh, 
Hcbert, and the nature of the country through which 
the Federals pursued their fleeing forces, to say noth- 
ing of the miscellaneous and badly-trained character of 

Y^ official Records, vol. xlii, 486. 

^' The tame charge was made against the Indians who fought at Wilson's 
Creek [Leavenworth DaiVjr Conservatwe, August 24, 1861]. 

Y* Roman, Military Operations of General Beauregard^ vol. i, 34a 
^* Official Records, vol. viii, 796. 



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The Battle of Pea Ridge 35 

those forces, to which, by the way, Van Dorn ascribed^' 
much of his recent ill-success, all helped to make the 
retirement of the Confederates from the Pea Ridge 
battle-ground pretty much of a helter-skelter aflfair. 
From all accounts, the Indians conducted themselves 
as well as the best The desire of everybody was to 
get to a place of safety and that right speedily. Colonel 
Watie and his regiment made their way to Camp 
Stephens,^* near which place the baggage train had 
been left" and where Cooper and Drew with their men 
had found refuge already. Some two hundred of 
Watie^s Indians were detailed to help take ammunition 
back to the main army.^* The baggage train moved on 
to Elm Springs, the remainder of the Indians, under 
Cooper, assisting in protecting it as far as that place.^* 
At Walnut Grove, the Watie detail, having failed to 
deliver the ammunition because of the departure of the 
army prior to their arrival, rejoined their comrades 
and all moved on to Cincinnati, where Pike, who with 
a few companions had wandered several days among 
the mountains, came up with them.*^ 

In Van Dorn's calculations for troops that should 
accompany him east or follow in his wake, the Indians 
had no place. Before his own plans took final shape 
and while he was still arranging for an Army of the 
West, his orders for the Indians were, that they should 
make their way back as best they could to their own 
country and there operate "to cut off trains, annoy the 
enemy in his marches, and to prevent him as far as pos- 
sible from supplying his troops from Missouri and 

^* Official Records, vol. viil, aSa. 

^^-^IbiiL, 291. 

^^ — Ibid,, 317. 

^•-^Ibid., 31S. 

19^ Ibid,; Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. I, 273. 

^ Official Records, vol. viii, 293. 



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36 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Kansas."" A little later, but still anterior to Van 
Dorn's summons east, more minute particulars of the 
programme were addressed to Pike. Maury wrote, 

The general commanding has decided to march with his 
army against the enemy now invading the northeastern part of 
the State. Upon you, therefore, will devolve the necessity of 
impeding his advance into this region. It is not expected that 
you will give battle to a large force, but by felling trees, burn- 
ing bridges, removing supplies of forage and subsistence, attack- 
ing his trains, stampeding his animals, cutting off his detach- 
ments, and other similar means, you will be able materially to 
harass his army and protect this region of country. You must 
endeavor by every means to maintain yourself in the Territory 
independent of this army. In case only of absolute necessity 
you may move southward. If the enemy threatens to march 
through the Indian Territory or descend the Arkansas River 
you may call on troops from Southwestern Arkansas and Texas 
to rally to your aid. You may reward your Indian troops by 
giving them such stores as you may think proper when they 
make captures from the enemy, but you will please endeavor 
to restrain them from committing any barbarities upon the 
wounded, prisoners, or dead who may fall into their hands. 
You may purchase your supplies of subsistence from wherever 
you can most advantageously do so. You will draw your am- 
munition from Little Rock or from New Orleans via Red 
River. Please communicate with the general commanding 
when practicable.'* 

It was an elaborate programme but scarcely a noble 
one. Its note of selfishness sounded high. The In- 
dians were simply to be made to serve the ends of the 
white men. Their methods of warfare were regarded 
as distinctly inferior. Pea Ridge was, in fact, the first 
and last time that they were allowed to participate in 
the war on a big scale. Henceforth, they were rarely 
ever anything more than scouts and skirmishers and that 
was all they were really fitted to be. 

^^Offcial Records^ vol. viii, a82, 790; vol. liii, supplement, 796. 
•• — Ibid,, vol. viii, 795-796. 



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II. LANE'S BRIGADE AND THE INCEPTION 
OF THE INDIAN 

The Indian Expedition had its beginnings, fatefully 
or otherwise, in "Lane's Kansas Brigade." On Janu- 
ary 29, 1 861, President Buchanan signed the bill for 
the admission of Kansas into the Union and the matter 
about which there had been so much of bitter contro- 
versy was at last professedly settled ; but, alas, for the 
peace of the border, the radicals, the extremists, the 
fanatics, call them what one may, who had been re- 
sponsible for the controversy and for its bitterness, were 
stilt unsettled. James Lane was chief among them. 
His was a turbulent spirit and it permitted its owner 
no cessation from strife. With President Lincoln's 
first call for volunteers, April 15, 1861, Lane's martial 
activities began. Within three days, he had gathered 
together a company of warriors," the nucleus, psycho- 
logically speaking, of what was to be his notorious, jay- 
hawking, marauding brigade. His enthusiasm was in- 
fectious. It communicated itself to reflective men like 
Carl Schurz" and was probably the secret of Lane's 

**JohD Hay records in his Diary, "The White House is turned into 
barradcs. Jim Lane marshaled his Kansas warriors to-day at Willard's 
and placed them at the disposal of Major Hunter, who turned them to-night 
into the East Room. It is a splendid company — worthy such an armoiy. 
Besides the Western Jayhawkers it comprises some of the best material in 
the East Senator Pomeroy and old Anthony Bleecker stood shoulder to 
shoulder in the ranks. Jim Lane walked proudly up and down the ranks 
with a new sword that the Major had given him. The Major has made 
me his aid, and I labored under some uncertainty, as to whether I should 
speak to privates or not" — Thaybr, Life and Letters of John Hay, vol. i, 9a. 

**It would seem to have communicated itself to Carl Schurz, although 
Schurz, in his Reminiscences, makes no definite admission of the fact Hay 



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38 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

mysterious influence with the temperate, humane, just, 
and so very much more magnanimous Lincoln, who, in 
the first days of the war, as in the later and the last, 
had his hours of discouragement and deep depression. 
For dejection of any sort, the wild excitement and 
boundless confidence of a zealot like Lane must have 
been somewhat of an antidote, also a stimulant. 

The first Kansas state legislature convened March 
26, 1 86 1, and set itself at once to work to put the new 
machinery of government into operation. After much 
political wire-pulling that involved the promise of 
spoils to come," James H. Lane and Samuel C. Pom- 
eroy** were declared to be elected United States sena- 
tors, the term of oflice of each to begin with the first 
session of the thirty-seventh congress. That session was 

tayt, "Going into Nicola3r'B room thit morning, C. Schurz, and J. Lane were 
sitting. Jim was at the window, filling his soul with gall by steady tele- 
scopic contemplation of a Secession flag impudently flaunting over a roof 
in Alexandria. Tet me tell you,' said he to the elegant Teuton, S?e have 
got to whip these scoundrels like hell, C. Schurz. They did a good thing 
stoning our men at Baltimore and shooting away the flag at Sumter. It has 
set the great North a-howling for blood, and they'll have it' 
'' 'I heard,' said Schurz, 'you preached a sermon to your men yesterday.' 
'"No, sir! this is not time for preaching. When I went to Mexico there 
were four preachers in my regiment In less than a week I issued orders 
for them all to stop preaching and go to playing cards. In a month or so, 
they were the biggest devils and best fighters I had.' 

"An hour afterwards^ C. Schurz told me he was going home to arm his 
clansmen for the wars. He has obtained three months' leave of absence from 
his diplomatic duties, and permission to raise a cavalry regiment He will 
make a wonderful land pirate; bold, quick, brilliant, and reckless. He will 
be hard to control and difficult to direct Still, we shall see. He is a wonder- 
ful man." — Thayer, Lift and Letters of John Hay, vol. i, 102-103. 

^ In Connelle/s James 'Henry Lane, the "Grim Chieftain" of Kansas, 
the following is quoted as coming from Lane himself: 

"Of the fifty-six men in the Legislature who voted for Jim Lane, five- 
and-forty now wear shoulder-straps. Doesn't Jim Lane look out for his 
friends?" 

>*John Brown's rating of Pomeroy, as given by Stearns in his Life and 
Public Services of George Luther Steams, 133-134, would show him to have 
been a considerably less pugnacious individual than was Lane. 



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Theatre OF Border Warfare and the Location' of Tribes withix the Ixdiax Country 



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Lane's Brigade 43 



the extra one, called for July, 1861. Immediately, a 
difficulty arose due to the fact that, subsequent to his 
election to the senatorship and in addition thereto. Lane 
had accepted a colonelcy tendered by Oliver P, Mor- 
ton " of Indiana, his own native state." Lane's friends 
very plausibly contended that a military commission 
from one state could not invalidate the title to represent 
another state in the Federal senate. The actual fight 
over the contested seat came in the next session and, 
quite regardless of consequences likely to prejudice his 
case. Lane went on recruiting for his brigade. Indeed, 
he commended himself to Fremont, who, in his capacity 
as major-general of volunteers and. in charge of the 
Western Military District, assigned him to duty in 
Kansas, thus greatly complicating an already delicate 
situation and immeasurably heaping up difficulties, em- 
barrassments, and disasters for the frontier. 

The same indifference towards the West that char- 
acterized the governing authorities in the South was 
exhibited by eastern men in the North and, corre- 
spondingly, the West, Federal and Confederate, was 
unduly sensitive to the indifference, perhaps, also, a 
trifle unnecessarily alarmed by symptoms of its own 
danger. Nevertheless, its danger was real. Each 
state gave in its adherence to the Confederacy separately 
and, therefore, every single state in the slavery belt had 
a problem to solve. The fight for Missouri was fought 

>^ Morton, wtr governor of Indiana^ who had taken tremendous inter- 
est in the struggle for Kansas and in the events leading up to the organiza- 
tion of the Republican ptrty, wis one of the most energetic of men in rais- 
ing troops for the defence of the Union, espedtlly in the etrliest stages 
of the war. See Foulke's Lifi of Oliver P. Morton, vol. i. 

**Some doubt on this point exists. John Speer, Lane's intimate friend 
and, in a sense, his biographer, stys Lane claimed Lawrenceburg, Indiana, 
as his birthpltce. By some people he is thought to have been born in 
Kentucky. 



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44 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

on the border and nowhere else. The great evil of 
squatter-sovereignty days was now epidemic in its most 
malignant form. Those days had bred intense hatred 
between Missourian and Kansan and had developed a 
disregard of the value of human life and a ruthlessness 
and brutality in fighting, concomitant with it, that the 
East, in its most primitive times, had never been called 
upon to experience. Granted that the spirit of the 
crusader had inspired many a f ree-soiler to venture in- 
to the trans-Missouri region after the Kansas-Nebraska 
bill had become law and that real exaltation of soul had 
transformed some very mercenary and altogether mun- 
dane characters unexpectedly into martyrs; granted, 
also, that the pro-slavery man honestly felt that his 
cause was just and that his sacred rights of property, 
under the constitution, were being violated, his pre- 
serves encroached upon, it yet remains true that great 
crimes were committed in the name of great causes 
and that villains stalked where only saints should have 
trod. The irregular warfare of the border, from fifty- 
four on, while it may, to military history as a whole, 
be as unimportant as the quarrels of kites and crows, 
was yet a big part of the life of the frontiersman and 
frightful in its possibilities. Sherman's march to the 
sea or through the Carolinas, disgraceful to modern 
civilization as each undeniably was, lacked the sicken- 
ing phase, guerrilla atrocities, that made the Civil War 
in the West, to those at least who were in line to experi- 
ence it at close range, an awful nightmare. Union and 
Confederate soldiers might well fraternize in eastern 
camps because there they so rarely had any cause for 
personal hostility towards each other, but not in west- 
ern. The fight on the border was constant and to the 
death. 



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Lane's Brigade 45 



The leaders in the West or many of them, on both 
sides, were men of ungovernable tempers, of vio- 
lent and unrestrained passions, sometimes of distress- 
ingly base proclivities, although, in the matter of both 
vices and virtues, there was considerable difference of 
degree among them. Lane and Shelby and Montgom- 
ery and Quantrill were hardly types, rather should it 
be said they were extreme cases. They seem never to 
have taken chances on each other's inactivity. Their 
motto invariably was, to be prepared for the worst, and 
their practice, retaliation. 

It was scarcely to be supposed that a man like Lane, 
who had never known moderation in the course of the 
long struggle for Kansas or been over-scrupulous about 
anything would, in the event of his adopted state's be- 
ing exposed anew to her old enemy, the Missourian, be 
able to pose contentedly as a legislator or stay quietly in 
Washington, his role of guardian of the White House 
being finished." The anticipated danger to Kansas 
visibly threatened in the summer of 1861 and the criti- 
cal moment saw Lane again in the West, energetic be- 
yond precedent. He took up his position at Fort Scott, 
it being his conviction that, from that point and from 
the line of the Little Osage, the entire eastern section 
of the state, inclusive of Fort Leavenworth, could best 
be protected.**^ 

••Ai Villard tells us [Memoirs, vol. i, 169], Lane wti in command of 
the "Frontier Guards," one of the two special patrols that protected the 
White House in the early days of the war. There were those^ however, who 
resented his presence there. For example, note the diary entry of Hay, 
"Going to my room, I met the Capuin. He was a little boozy and very 
eloquent He dilated on the troubles of the time and bewailed the existence 
of a garrison in the White House 'to give dctat to Jim Lane.'" — Thatbr, 
op. cit., vol. i, 94. The White House guard was in reality under General 
Hunter [Report of ike Military Services of General David Hunter, 8]. 

^ Official Records, vol. iii, 453, 455. 



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46 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Fort Scott was the ranking town among the few Fed- 
eral strongholds in the middle Southwest. It was with- 
in convenient, if not easy, distance of Crawford Semi- 
nary which, situated to the southward in the Quapaw 
Nation, was the headquarters of the Neosho Agency; 
but no more perturbed place could be imagined than 
was that same Neosho Agency at the opening of the 
Civil War. Bad white men, always in evidence at 
moments of crisis, were known to be interfering with 
the Osages, exciting them by their own marauding to 
deviltry and mischief of the worst description." As a 

•^A letter from Superintendent W. G. Coffin of dtte, July, 30, 1861 

[Indian Office Special Filet, no. loi, Schools, C. 1375 of 1861] bears evidence 

of this as bear also the following letters, the one, private in character, from 

Augustus Wattles, the other, without specific date, from William Brooks: 

PRIVATE 

^, ^ MoNEKA, Kansas, May ao, 1861. 

Mr. Dole -i ^ — » 

Dear Sir, A messenger has this moment left me, who came up 
from the Osages yesterday -a distance of about forty miles. The 
gentleman lives on the line joining the Osage Indians, and has, since 
my acquaintance with him about three years. 

A short time ago^ perhaps three weeks, a number of lawless white 
men went into the Nation and stole a number of ponies. The Indians 
made chase, had a fight and killed several, reported from three to five, 
and retook their ponies. 

A company of men is now getting up here and in other counties, 
to go and fight the Indians. I am appealed to by the Indians to act 
as their friend. 

They represent that they are loyal to the U.S. Government and 
will fight for their Great Father, at Washington, but must be protected 
from bad white men at home. The Government must not think them 
enemies when they only fight thieves and robbers. 

Rob^ B. Mitchell, who was recently appointed Maj. General of this 
State by Gov. Robinson, has resigned, and is now raising volunteers 
to fight the Indians. He has always been a Democrat in sjrmpathy 
with the pro-slavery party, and his enlisting men now to take them 
away from the Missouri frontier, when we are daily threatened with 
an attack from that State, and union men are fleeing to us for protec- 
tion from there, is certainly a very questionable policy. It could oper- 
ate no worse against us, if it were gotten up by a traitor to draw our 
men off on purpose to give the Missourians a chance when we are 
unprepared. 

I presume you have it in your power to prevent any attack on the 



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Lane's Brigade 47 



tribe, the Osages were not very dependable at the best 
of times and now that they saw confusion all around 

Indians in Kansas till such time as they can be treated with. And 
such order to the Commander of the Western Division of the U.S. 
Army would stop further proceedings. 

I shall start to-morrow for Council Grove and meet the Kansas 
Indians before General Mitchell's force can get there. As the point 
of attack is secret, I fear it may be the Osages, for the purpose of 
creating a necessity for a treaty with himself by which he can secure 
a large quantiQr of land for himself and followers. He it acquainted 
with all the old Democratic schemes of swindling Indians. 

The necessity for prompt action on the part of the Indian Depart- 
ment increases every day. The element of discord in the commu- 
nity here now, was once, the pro-slavery party. I see their intention 
to breed disturbances with the Indians is malicious and selfish. They 
are active and unscrupulous^ and must be met promptly and decisively. 

I hope you will excuse this, as it appears necessary for me to step 
a little out of my orders to notify you of current events. I am very 
respectfully Your Ob^ Ser^ Augustus Wattles, Spicial Agent 

[Indian Office Special Files, no. aoi.] 

_ , . Grand Falls, Newton Ca, Ma 

CoM« Indian Affairs 

Washington, D. C 

Hon. Sir: Permit me to inform you, by this means, of the efforts 
ithat have been and are now being made in Southern Kansas to arouse 
both the "Osages" and "Cherokees" to rebel, and bear arms against 
the U.S. Government- At a public meeting near the South £. comer 
of the "Osage Nation" called by the settlements for the devising of 
some means by which to protect themselves from "unlawful char- 
acters," Mr. John Mathis, who resides in the Osage Nation and has 
an Osage family, also Mr. "Robert Foster" who lives in the Cherokee 
Nation and has a Cherokee family endeavered by public speeches and 
otherwise to induce "Osages", "Cherokees" as well as Americans who 
live on the "Neutral Lands" to bear arms against the U.S. Govern- 
ment -tf//</^'if^ that there was no US, Government, There was 25 
men who joined them and they proceeded to organise a "Secession 
Comfanf* electing as Capt R. D. Foster and ist Lieutenant James 
Patton- This meeting was held June 4th i86i-at "McGhees Resi- 
dence"- The peace of this section of country requires the removal 
of these men from the Indian country, or some measures that will 
restrain them from exciting the Indians in Southern Kansas. 

Yours Respectfully Wm. Brooks. 

You will understand why you are addressed by a private individual 

on this subject instead of the Agent, since A. J. Dom, the present 

Indian Agent, is an avowed "Secessionist" and consequently would 

favor, rather than suppress the move. Wm. Brooks. 

{Ibid,, Southern Superintendence, Bs^j of 1861] 



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48 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

them their most natural inclination was to pay back old 
scores and to make an alliance where such alliance 
could be most profitable to themselves. The "rem- 
nants" of tribes, Senecas, Shawnees, and Quapaws, as- 
sociated with them in the agency, Neosho, that is, al- 
though not of evil disposition, were similarly agitated 
and with good reason. Rumors of dissensions among 
the Cherokees, not so very far away, were naturally hav- 
ing a disquieting effect upon the neighboring but less 
highly organized tribes as was also the unrest in Mis- 
souri, in the southwestern counties of which, however, 
Union sentiment thus far dominated.'* Its continuance 
would undoubtedly turn upon military success or fail- 
ure and that, men like Lyon and Lane knew only too 
well. 

As the days passed, the Cherokee troubles gained in 
intensity, so much so that the agent, John Crawford, 
even then a secessionist sympathiser, reported that in- 
ternecine strife might at any hour be provoked." So 
confused was everything that in July the people of 
southeastern Kansas were generally apprehensive of an 
attack from the direction of either Indian Territory or 
Arkansas.'* Kansas troops had been called to Mis- 
souri; but, at the same time, Lyon was complaining 
that men from the West, where they were greatly need- 
ed, were being called by Scott to Virginia." On Au- 
gust 6 two emergency calls went forth, one from Fre- 
mont for a brigade from California that could be sta- 
tioned at El Paso and moved as occasion might require, 
either upon San Antonio or into the Indian Territory," 

*> Brtnch to Mix, June 22, 1861, enclofing letter from Agent Elder, June 
15, 1861 [Indian Office Filet, Neosho, B 547 of 1861]. 
99^ltid,, Cherokee, C1200 of i8<i. 
^* Official Records, vol. iii, 405. 
w — /*ii., 397,408. 
--^Jbid., 42%. 



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Lane's Brigade 49 



the other from Congressmen John S. Phelps and Fran- 
cis P. Blair junior, who addressed Lincoln upon the 
subject of enlisting Missouri troops for an invasion of 
Arkansas in order to ward off any contemplated attack 
upon southwestern Missouri and to keep the Indians 
west of Arkansas in subjection.'^ On August 10 came 
the disastrous Federal defeat at Wilson's Creek. It 
was immediately subsequent to that event and in antici- 
pation of a Kansas invasion by Price and McCulloch 
that Lane resolved to take position at Fort Scott." 

The Battle of Wilson's Creek, lost to the Federals 
largely because of Fremont's failure to support Lyon, 
was an unmitigated disaster in more than one sense. 
The death of Lyon, which the battle caused, was of 
itself a severe blow to the Union side as represented in 
Missouri; but the moral effect of the Federal defeat 
upon the Indians was equally worthy of note. It was 
instantaneous and striking. It rallied the wavering 
Cherokees for the Confederacy •• and their defection 
was something that could not be easily counterbal- 
anced and was certainly not counterbalanced by the 
almost coincident, cheap, disreputable, and very general 
Osage offer, made towards the end of August, of ser- 
vices to the United States in exchange for flour and 
whiskey.**** 

The disaster in its effect upon Lane was, however, 
little short of exhilarating. It brought him sympathy, 
understanding, and a fair measure of support from peo- 
ple who, not until the eleventh hour, had really com- 
prehended their own danger and it inspired him to re- 
double his efforts to organize a brigade that should ade- 

•» Official Records, vol. HI, 43a 

w^lbid., 446. 

•» The Daily Conservative (Leavenworth), October 5, 1861. 

^<^ — Ibid,, August 30, 1861, quoting from the Fort Scott Democrat, 



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50 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

quately protect Kansas and recover ground lost Prior 
to the battle, "scarcely a battalion had been recruited 
for each" of the five regiments, the Third, Fourth, Fifth, 
Sixth, and Seventh Kansas, which he had been empow- 
ered by the War Department to raise.*** It was in the 
days of gathering reinforcements, for which he made an 
earnest plea on August 29,*** that he developed a dis- 
position to utilize the loyal Indians in his undertaking. 
The Indians, in their turn, were looking to him for 
much needed assistance. About a month previous to 
the disaster of August 10, Agent Elder had been obliged 
to make Fort Scott, for the time being, the Neosho 
Agency headquarters, everything being desperately in- 
secure at Crawford's Seminary."' 

101 Brilton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, iia. 
!•* Official Records^ vol. iii, 465. 

^<^*The following letter, ao enclosure of a report from Branch to Dole, 
August 14, 1861, gives some slight indication of its insecurity: 

OrncB OF Neosho Agbncy 
Fort Scott, July 37, 1861. 

Sot -I deem it important to inform the Department of the situa- 
tion of this Agency at this time. After entering upon the duties of 
this office as per instructions - and attending to all the business that 
seemed to require my immediate attention - 1 repaired to Franklin Co. 
Kan. to remove my family to the Agency. 

Leaving the Agency in care of James Killebrew Esq the Gov^ 
Farmer for the Quapaw Nation. Soon after I left I was informed by 
him that the Agency had been surrounded by a band of armed men, 
and instituted an inquiry for **ihat Abolition Superintendent and 
Agent,** After various interrogatories and answers they returned in 
the direction of Missouri and Arkansas lines from whence they were 
supposed to have come. He has since written me and Special Agent 
Whitney and Superintendent Coffin told me that it would be very 
unsafe for me to stay at that place under the present excited state of 
public feeling in that vicinity. I however started with my family on 
the 6th July and arrived at Fort Scott on the 9th intending to go 
direct to the Agency. Here I learned from Capt Jennison command- 
ing a detachment of Kansas Militia, who had been scouting in that 
vicinity, that the country was full of marauding parties from Gov. 
Jackson's Camp in S.W. Mo. I therefore concluded to remain here 
and watch the course of events believing as I did the Federal troops 



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Lan e*s Brigade 5 1 



Lane, conjecturing rightly that Price, moving north- 
westward from Springfield, which place he had left on 
the twenty-sixth of August, would threaten, if he did 
not actually attempt, an invasion of Kansas at the point 
of its greatest vulnerability, the extreme southeast, has- 
tened his preparations for the defence and at the very 
end of the month appeared in person at Fort Scott, 
where all the forces he could muster, many of them 
refugee Missourians, had been rendezvousing. On the 
second of 'September, the two armies, if such be not too 
dignified a name for them, came into initiatory action 
at Dry Wood Creek,*** Missouri, a reconnoitering party 
of the Federals, in a venture across the line, having 

would toon repair thither and so quell the rebellion as to render my 
stay here no longer necessary. But as yet the Union forces have not 
penetrated that far south, and Jackson with a large force is quartered 
within ao or as miles of the Agency- I was informed by Mr. Kille- 
brew on the 33d inst that everything at the Agency was safe -but 
the house and roads were guarded- Hence I have assumed the re- 
sponsibiliQr of establishing my office here temporarily until I can hear 
from the department 

And I most sincerely hope the course I have thus been compelled 
to pursue will receive the approval of the department 

I desire instructions relative to the papers and a valuable safe 
(being the only moveables there of value) which can only be 
moved at presgnt under the protection of a guard. And also in- 
structions as to the course I am to pursue relative to the localiQr of 
the Agency. 

I feel confident that the difficulty now attending the locality at 
Crawford Seminary will not continue long -if not then I shall move 
directly there unless instructions arrive of a different character. 

All mail matter should be directed to Fort Scott for the Mail 
Carrier has been repeatedly arrested -and the mails may be robbed - 
Very respectfully your Obedient Servant 

Peter P. Elder, US. Neosho A genu 
H. B. Branch Esq, Superintendent of Ind. Affairs C.S. 
St Joseph, Mo. 
pndian Office Files, Neosho^ B 719 of t86i]. 

104 por additional information about the Dry Wood Creek affair and 
about the events leading up to and succeeding it, see Official Records^ voL 
liii, supplement, 436; Britton, CivU War on the Border^ vol. i, chapter x; 
Connelley, Quantrill and the Border fTars, 199. 



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52 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

fallen in with the advance of the Confederates and, be- 
ing numerically outmatched, having been compelled to 
beat a retreat. In its later stages. Lane personally con- 
ducted that retreat, which, taken as a whole, did not end 
even with the recrossing of the state boundary, although 
the pursuit did not continue beyond it. Confident that 
Price would follow up his victory and attack Fort Scott, 
Lane resolved to abandon the place, leaving a detach- 
ment to collect the stores and ammunition and to follow 
him later. He then hurried on himself to Fort Lin- 
coln on the north bank of the Little Osage, fourteen 
miles northwest. There he halted and hastily erected 
breastworks of a certain sort.*®' Meanwhile, the citi- 
zens of Fort Scott, finding themselves left in the lurch, 
vacated their homes and followed in the wake of the 
army.*^ Then came a period, luckily short, of direful 
confusion. Home guards were drafted in and other 
preparations made to meet the emergency of Price's 
coming. Humboldt was now suggested as suitable and 
safe headquarters for the Neosho Agency;*®^ but, most 
opportunely, as the narrative will soon show, the change 
had to wait upon the approval of the Indian Office, 
which could not be had for some days and, in the mean- 
time, events proved that Price was not the menace and 
Fort Scott not the target. 

It soon transpired that Price had no immediate inten- 
tion of invading Kansas.*®* For the present, it was 

^^^ In ridicule of Lane't fortifications, see Spring, Kansas, 275. 

^<^*As soon as the citizens, panic-stricken, were gone, the detachment 
which Lane had left in charge, under Colonel C. R. Jennison, commenced 
pillaging their homes [Britton, CMl War on the Border^ vol. i, 13a] 

^0^ H. C. Whitney to Mix, September 6, 1861, Indian Office Consolidated 
Files, Neosho, W455 of 1861. 

^<^'By the fifth of September, Lane had credible information that Price 
had broken camp at Dry Wood and was moving towards Lexington [Britton, 
Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 144]. 



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Lane's Brigade 53 



enough for his purpose to have struck terror into the 
hearts of the people of Union sentiments inhabiting 
the Cherokee Neutral Lands, where, indeed, intense 
excitement continued to prevail until there was no 
longer any room to doubt that Price was really gone 
from the near vicinity and was heading for the Mis- 
souri River. Yet his departure was far from meaning 
the complete removal of all cause for anxiety, since 
marauding bands infested the country roundabout and 
were constantly setting forth, from some well concealed 
lair, on expeditions of robbery, devastation, and mur- 
der. It was one of those marauding bands that in this 
same month of September, 1861, sacked and in part 
burnt Humboldt, for which dastardly and quite unwar- 
rantable deed, James G. Blunt, acting under orders 
from Lane, took speedy vengeance ; and the world was 
soon well rid of the instigator and leader of the out- 
rage, the desperado, John Matthews.*** 

^^^ (n) Ft. Lincoln, Southern Kansas. 

Hon. Wm. P. Dole, Com. of Ind. A£" ^^** *^' '*^'* 

Dear Sir, We hive just returned from a successful expedition 
into the Indian Country, And I thought you would be glad to hear 
the news. 

Probably you know that Mathews, formerly an Indian Trader 
amongst the Osages has been committing depredations at the head of 
a band of half breed Cherokees, all summer. 

He has killed a number of settlers and taken their property; but 
as most of them were on the Cherokee neuteral lands I could not 
tell whether to blame him much or not, as I did not understand the 
condition of those lands. 

A few days ago he came up to Humbolt and pillaged the town. 
Gen. Lane ordered the home guards, composed mostly of old men, 
too old for regular service, to go down and take or disperse this 
company under Mathews. 

He detailed Lieut Col. Blunt of Montgomery's regiment to the 
command, and we started about 200 strong. We went to Humbolt 
and followed down through the Osage as far as the Quapaw Agency 
where we came up with them, about 60 strong. 

Mathews and 10 men were killed at the first fire, the others re- 



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54 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

As soon as Lane had definite knowledge that Price 
had turned away from the border and was moving 
northward, he determined to follow after and attack 

treated. We found on Mathewt a Commitsion from Ben. McCulloch, 
authorizing him to enlist the Quapaw and other Indians and operate 
on the Kansas frontier. 

The Osage Indians are loyal, and I think most of the others would 
be if jTour Agents were alwajrs ready to speak a word of confidence 
for our Government, and on hand to counteract the influence of the 
Secession Agents. 

There is no more danger in doing this than in any of the Army 
service. If an Agent is killed in the discharge of his duty, another 
can be appointed the same as in any other service. A few prompt 
Agents, might save a vast amount of plundering which it it now 
contemplated to do in Kansas. 

Ben. McCulloch promises hit rangers, and the Indians that he 
will winter them in Kansas and expel the settlers. 

I can see the Indians gain confidence in him precisely as they loose 
it in us. It need somebody amongst them to represent our power and 
strength and purposes, and to give them courage and confidence in 
the U.S. Government 

There is another view which some take and you may take the 
same, i.e. let them go -fight and conquer them -take their lands and 
stop their annuities. 

I can only say that whatever the Government determines on the 
people here will sustain. The President was never more popular. 
He is the President of the Constitution and the laws. And notwith- 
standing what the papers say about his difference with Fremont^ every 
heart reposes confidence in the President 

So far as I can learn from personal inquiry, the Indians are not 
yet committed to active efforts against the Gov. Aua Wattlbs. 

[Indian Office Special Piles, no. aoi. Central Supmntgndemcy, W474 of 1861.] 
(b) Sack and Fox Agbnct, Dec tjth 1861. 

Hon. W. p. Dolb, Commissioner of Indian Affairs 

Dear Sir: After receiving the cattle and making arrangements 
for their keeping at Leroy I went and paid a visit to the Ruins of 
Humboldt which certainly present a gloomy appearance. All the best 
part of the town was burnt Thurstons House that I had rented for 
an office tho near half a mile from town was burnt tho his dwelling 
and mill near by were spared. All my books and papers that were 
there were lost. My trunk and what little me and my son had left 
after the sacking were all burnt including to Land Warrents one 160 
acres and one iia Our Minne Rifle and ammunition Saddle bridle, 
etc . . About 4 or 5 Hundred Sacks of Whitne/s Com were burnt 
As soon as I can I will try to make out « list of the Papers from the 



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Lane's Brigade 55 



him, if possible, in the rear. Governor Robinson was 
much opposed"® to any such provocative and apparent- 
ly purposeless action, no one knowing better than he 
Lane's vindictive mercilessness. Lane persisted not- 
withstanding Robinson's objections and, for the time 
being, found his policies actually endorsed by Prince 
at Fort Leavenworth/" The attack upon Humboldt, 
having revealed the exposed condition of the settle- 
ments north of the Osage lands, necessitated his leaving 
a much larger force in his own rear than he had in- 
tended."' It also made it seem advisable for him to 
order the building of a series of stockades, the one of 
most immediate interest being at Leroy."' By the four- 
teenth of September, Lane found himself within twen- 
ty-four miles of Harrisonville but Price still far ahead. 
On the twenty-second, having made a detour for the 
purpose of destroying some of his opponent's stores, he 
performed the atrocious and downright inexcusable 
exploit of burning Osceola."* Lexington, besieged, 
had fallen into Price's hands two days before. Thus 
had the foolish Federal practice of acting in detach- 

Department [that] were burnt As I had tome at Leavenworth I 
cannot do so til I see what is there. As Mr. Hutchinson is not here 
I leave this morning for the Kaw Agency to endeavour to carry out 
your Instructions there and will return here as soon as I get through 
there. They are building some stone houses here and I am much 
pleased with the result The difference in cost is not near so much 
as we expected but I will write you fully on a careful examination as 
you requested. Very respectfully your obedient Servant 

W. G. COPHN, Superinttndent of Indian Affairs 
Southern Superintendency 
[Indian Office Files, Southern Superintendency, C 143a of 1861]. 
110 Official Records, vol. iii, 468-469. 
^^^•^Ibid., 483. 
"« — /^iV., 49a 

^^^'-'Ibid., 196; vol. liii, supplement, 743; Britton, Civil War on the 
Border, vol. i, 147-148; Connelley, Quantrill and the Border Wars, 208-209, 
295. 



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56 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

ments instead of in force produced its own calamitous 
result. There had never been any appreciable coor- 
dination among the parts of Fremont's army. Each 
worked upon a campaign of its own. To some extent, 
the same criticism might be held applicable to the op- 
posing Confederate force also, especially when the 
friction between Price and McCulloch be taken 
fully into account; but Price's energy was far in 
excess of Fremont's and he, having once made a 
plan, invariably saw to its accomplishment. Lin- 
coln viewed Fremont's supineness with increasing 
apprehension and finally after the fall of Lexing- 
ton directed Scott to instruct for greater activity. Pre- 
sumably, Fremont had already aroused himself some- 
what; for, on the eighteenth, he had ordered Lane to 
proceed to Kansas City and from thence to cooperate 
with Sturgis."* Lane slowly obeyed*" but managed, 
while obeying, to do considerable marauding, which 
worked greatly to the general detestation and lasting 
discredit of his brigade. For a man, temperamental- 
ly constituted as Lane was, warfare had no terrors and 
its votaries, no scruples. The grim chieftain as he has 
been somewhat fantastically called, was cruel, indomi- 
table, and disgustingly licentious, a person who would 
have hesitated at nothing to accomplish his purpose. 
It was to be expected, then, that he would see nothing 
terrible in the letting loose of the bad white man, the 
half-civilized Indian, or the wholly barbarous negro 
upon society. He believed that the institution of sla- 
very should look out for itself*" and, like Governor 
Robinson,"' Senator Pomeroy, Secretary Cameron, John 

**■ official Records, vol, iii, 50a 
lie — /^i;/.^ 505-506. 

11T_/^,V/., 5,6. 

**• Spring, Kansas, aya. 



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Lane's Brigade 57 



Cochrane,*" Thaddcus Stevens,"* and many another, 
fully endorsed the principle underlying Fremont^s abor- 
tive Emancipation Proclamation. He advocated im- 
mediate emancipation both as a political and a military 
measure/" 

There was no doubt by this time that Lane had it in 
mind to utilize the Indians. In the dog days of Au- 
gust, when he was desperately marshaling his brigade, 
the Indians presented themselves, in idea, as a likely 
military contingent. The various Indian agents in 
Kansas were accordingly communicated with and 
Special Agent Augustus Wattles authorized to make 
the needful preparations for Indian enlistment"* Not 
much could be done in furtherance of the scheme while 
Lane was engaged in Missouri but, in October, when 
he was back in Kansas, his interest again manifested 
itself. He was then recruiting among all kinds of peo- 
ple, the more hot-blooded the better. His energy was 
likened to frenzy and the more sober-minded took 
alarm. It was the moment for his political opponents 
to interpose and Governor Robinson from among them 
did interpose, being firmly convinced that Lane, by his 
intemperate zeal and by his guerrilla-like fighting was 
provoking Missouri to reprisals and thus precipitating 
upon Kansas the very troubles that he professed to wish 
to ward off. Incidentally, Robinson, unlike Fremont, 
was vehemently opposed to Indian enlistment. 

Feeling between Robinson and Lane became exceed- 
ingly tense in October. Price was again moving sus- 

"»jD«/y Conservative, November aa, 1861. 

laowoodburn, Life of Thaddeus Stevens, 183. 

^*^ Lane's speech at Springfield, November 7, 1861 IDaily Conservative, 
November 17, 1861]. 

isspQf n full discussion of the progress of die movement, see Abel, 
American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist, aa7ff. 



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58 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

piciously near to Kansas. On the third he was known 
to have left Warrensburg, ostensibly to join McCuUoch 
in Bates County"' and, on the eighth, he was reported 
as still proceeding in a southwestwardly direction, pos- 
sibly to attack Fort Scott"* His movements gave op- 
portunity for a popular expression of opinion among 
Lane's adherents. On the evening of the eighth, a 
large meeting was held in Stockton's Hall to consider 
the whole situation and, amidst great enthusiasm, Lane 
was importuned to go to Washington,"* there to lay the 
case of the piteous need of Kansas, in actuality more 
imaginary than real, before the president Nothing 
loath to assume such responsibility but not finding it 
convenient to leave his military task just then. Lane 
resorted to letter-writing. On the ninth, he com- 
plained*** to Lincoln that Robinson was attempting to 
break up his brigade and had secured the cooperation 
of Prince to that end.*" The anti- Robinson press*" 
went farther and accused Robinson and Prince of not 
being big enough, in the face of grave danger to the 
commonwealth, to forget old scores.*" As a solution 
of the problem before them. Lane suggested to Lincoln 
the establishment of a new military district that should 
include Kansas, Indian Territory, and Arkansas, and 
be under his command.*" So anxious was Lane to be 

**» Official Records, vol. iii, 525, 526, 527. 
114 — /^£rf, 527. 

i*> Daily ConstrvaHve, October 9, 10, 1S61. 

*«« Official Records, vol. Hi, 529. 

^*^ Daily Conservative, October 9, 15, 1861. 

^'^ Chief among die papers against Robinson, in die matter of his long- 
standing feud with Lane, was the Daily Conservative with D. W. Wilder as 
its editor. Another anti-Robinson paper was the Lawrence Republican, 
The Cindnnad Gazette was decidedly friendly to Lane. 

^^ Daily Conservative^ October 15, 1861. 

^'^ Official Records^ vol. iii, 529-53a Lane outlined his plan for a sep- 
arate department in his speech in Stockton's Hall {Daily Conservative^ 



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Lane's Brigade 59 



identified with what he thought was the rescue of Kan- 
sas that he proposed resigning his seat in the senate that 
he might be entirely untrammelled/" Perchance, also, 
he had some inkling that with Frederick P. Stanton"* 
contesting the seat, a bitter partisan fight was in pros- 
pect, a not altogether welcome diversion."' Stanton, 
prominent in and out of office in territorial days, was an 
old political antagonist of the Lane faction and one of 
the four candidates whose names had been before the 
legislature in March. In the second half of October, 
Lane's brigade notably contributed to Fremont's show 
of activity and then, anticipatory perhaps to greater 
changes, it was detached from the main column and 
given the liberty of moving independently down the 
Missouri line to the Cherokee country,"* 

Lane's efforts towards securing Indian enlistment did 
not stop with soliciting the Kansas tribes. Thoroughly 
aware, since the time of his sojourn at Fort Scott, if not 
before, of the delicate situation in Indian Territory, of 
the divided allegiance there, and of the despairing cry 
for help that had gone forth from the Union element 
to Washington, he conceived it eminently fitting and 
practicable that that same Union element should have 
its loyalty put to good uses and be itself induced to take 
up arms in behalf of the cause it affected so ardently to 
endorse. To an ex-teacher among the Seminoles, E. H. 
Carruth, was entrusted the task of recruiting. 

The situation in Indian Territory was more than deli- 

October 9, xS6i]. Robinson was opposed to the idea [thid., November 2, 6, 
1861]. 

*" Official Records^ vol. iii, 53a 

*»» Martin, First Two Years of Kansas, 24 ; Biographical Congressional 
Directory, 1771-1903. 

^** Daily Conservative, November i, i86x, gives Robinson the credit of 
inciting Stanton to contest the seat 

*•* Daily Conservative, October 30^ i86x. 



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6o The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

cate. It was precarious and had been so almost from 
the beginning. The withdrawal of troops from the 
frontier posts had left the Territory absolutely destitute 
of the protection solemnly guaranteed its inhabitants by 
treaty with the United States government. Appeal "• 
to the War Department for a restoration of what was a 
sacred obligation had been without effect all the sum- 
mer. Southern emissaries had had, therefore, an en- 
tirely free hand to accomplish whatever purpose they 
might have in mind with the tribes. In September,"* 
the Indian Office through Charles E. Mix, acting com- 
missioner of Indian affairs in the absence of William 
P. Dole, who was then away on a mission to the Kansas 
tribes, again begged the War Department*" to look in- 
to matters so extremely urgent. National honor would 
of itself have dictated a policy of intervention before 

^*0 Secretary Cameroo's reply to Secretary Smith's first request was un- 
compromising in the extreme and prophetic of his persistent refusal to 
recognize the obligation resting upon the United States to protect its de- 
fenceless "wards." This is Cameron's letter of May lo^ iS6i : 

"In answer to your letter of die 4th instant, I have the honor to state 
tliat on the 17th April instructions were issued by this Department to remove 
the troops stationed at Ports Cobb, Arbuckle, Washita, and Smith, to Fort 
Leavenworth, leaving it to the discretion of the Conunanding Officer to re- 
place them, or not, by Arkansas Volunteers. 

"The exigencies of the service will not admit any change in these orders." 
[Interior Department Files, Bundle no. t (1849-1864) tVarJ] 

Secretary Smith wrote to Cameron again on the thirtieth [Interior Depart- 
ment Litter Press Book, vol. iii, 125], enclosing Dole's letter of the same 
date [Interior Department, File Box, January I to December I, 1861; Indian 
Office Report Book, no. 12, 176], but to no purpose. 
^>* Indian Office Report Book, no. 12, 218-219. 

^'^ Although his refusal to keep faith with the Indians is not usually 
cited among the diings making for Cameron's unfitness for the office of 
Secretary of War, it might well and justifiably be. No student of history 
questions to-day diat the appointment of Simon Cameron to the portfolio 
of war, to which Thaddeus Stevens had aspirations [Woodbum, Life of 
Thaddeus Stevens, 239], was one of the worst administrative mistakes Lincoln 
ever made. It was certainly one of the four cabinet appointment errors 
noted by Weed [Autobiography ^ 607]. 



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Lane's Brigade 6i 



the poor neglected Indians had been driven to the last 
desperate straits. The next month, October, nothing at 
all having been done in the interval, Dole submitted"* 
to Secretary Smith new evidence of a most alarmingly 
serious state of affairs and asked that the president's 
attention be at once elicited. The apparent result was 
that about the middle of November, Dole was able to 
write with confidence -and he was writing at the re- 
quest of the president- that the United States was pre- 
pared to maintain itself in its authority over the Indians 
at all hazards."* 

Boastful words those were and not to be made good 
until many precious months had elapsed and many sad 
regrettable scenes enacted. In early November occurred 
the reorganization of the Department of the West which 
meant the formation of a Department of Kansas sepa- 
rate and distinct from a Department of Missouri, an 
arrangement that afforded ample opportunity for a 
closer attention to local exigencies in both states than 
had heretofore been possible or than, upon trial, was 
subsequently to be deemed altogether desirable. It 
necessarily increased the chances for local patronage 
and exposed military matters to the grave danger of 
becoming hopelessly entangled with political. 

The need for change of some sort was, however, very 
evident and the demand for it, insistent. If the south- 
ern Indians were not soon secured, they were bound to 
menace, not only Kansas, but Colorado*** and to help 
materially in blocking the way to Texas, New Mexico, 

^>* Indian Office Report Book no. 12, 225. 

is»Dole to Hunter, November 16, 1S61, ibid^ Letter Booh, no. 67, pp. 
80-S2. 

140 Qn conditions in Colorado Territory, the following are enlightening: 
ibid,. Consolidated Files, C195 of iS6x; C1213 of 1S61; C1270 of 1861; 
C 1369 of xS6i ; V 43 of 1861 ; Oficial Records, vol. !▼, 73. 



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62 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

and Arizona. Their own domestic affairs had now 
reached a supremely critical stage/" It was high time 

^*^In addition to what may be obtained on the subject from the first 
volume of this worlc, two letters of slightly later date furnish particulars, 
ar do also the records of a council held by Agent Cuther with certain chiefs 
at Leroy. 

(a). Lawrbncb Kansas, Dec 14th, 1861. 

Hon. W. p. Dole, Commissioner of Ind. Affairs 

Dear Sir, It is with reluctance that I again intrude on your val- 
uable time. But I am induced to do so by the conviction that the 
subject of our Indian relations is really a matter of serious concern: 
as involving the justice and honor of our own Government, and the 
deepest interests - the very existence, indeed -of a helpless and de- 
pendent people. And knowing that it is your wish to be furnished 
with every item of information which may, in any way, throw light 
on the subject, I venture to trouble you with another letter. 

Mico Hat-ki, the Creek man referred to in my letter of Oct 31st 
has been back to the Creek Nation, and returned about die middle of 
last month. He was accompanied, to this place, by one of his former 
companions, but had left some of their present company at LeRoy. 
They were expecting to have a meeting with some of the Indians, at 
LeRoy, to consult about the proper course to be pursued, in order to 
protect the loyal and peaceable Indians, from the hostility of the 
disaffected, who have become troublesome and menacing in their 
bearing. 

With this man and his companion, I had considerable conversation, 
and find that the Secessionists and disaffected Half-breeds are carry- 
ing things with a high hand. While the loyal Indians are not in a 
condition to resist them, by reason of the proximity of an overwhelm- 
ing rebel force. 

From them (repeating their former statements, regarding the de- 
fection of certain parties, and the loyalty of others, with the addi- 
tion of some further particulars) I learn the following facts: Viz. 
That M Kennard, the Principal Chief of the Lower Creeks, most of 
the Mclntoshes, George Stidham, and others have joined the rebels, 
and organized a military force in their interest; for the purpose of in- 
timidating and harrassing the loyal Indians. They name some of the 
officers, but are not sufficiently conversant with military terms to dis- 
tinguish the different grades,, with much exactness. Upee Mcintosh, 
however, is the highest in rank, (a Colonel I presume) and Sam 
Cho-co-ti, George Stidham, Chilly Mcintosh, are all officers in the 
Lower Creek rebel force. 

Among the Upper Creeks, John Smith, Timiny Barnet and Wm. 
Robinson, are leaders. 

Among the Seminoles, John Jumper, the Principal Chief, is on the 
side of the rebels. Pas-co-fa, the second chief, stands neutral. Fras- 
er McClish, though himself a Chickasaw, has raised a company 



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Lane's Brigade 63 



for the Federal government to do something to attest 
its own competency. There was need for it to do that, 

among the SemiDoles in favor of the rebellion. They say the full 
Indians will kill hinL 

The Choctaws are divided in much the same way as the other 
Tribes, the disaffected being principally among the Half-breeds. 

The Chickasaw Governor, Harris, is a Secessionist; and so are 
most, if not all, the Colberts. The full Indians are loyal to the Gov- 
ernment, as are some of the mixed bloods also, and here, I remark, 
from my own knowledge, that this Governor Harris was die first to 
propose the adoption of concerted measures, among die Southern 
Tribes, on the subject of Secession. This was instantly and earnestly 
opposed by John Ross, as being out of place, and an ungrateful viola- 
tion of the Treaty obligations, by which the Tribes had placed them- 
selves under the exclusive protection of the United States; and, under 
which, they had enjoyed a long course of peace and prosperity. 

They say, there are about four hundred Secessionists, among the 
Cherokees. But whether organized or not, I did not understand. I 
presume they meant such as were formerly designated by the term 
Warriors, somewhat analogous to die class among ourselves, who are 
fit for military duty, though they may or may not be actually organ- 
ized and under arms. So that the Thousands of Indians in the seces- 
sion papers, as figuring in the armies, are enormous exaggerations; 
and most of them sheer fabricadons. 

Albert Pike, of Little Rock, boasts of having visited and made 
treaty alliances with the Comanches, and other tribes, on behalf of 
the "Confederate States," but the Indians do not believe him. And, 
in blunt style, say "he tells lies." 

They make favorable mention of O-poth-le-yo-ho-lo, an ex-Creek 
Chief, a true patriot of former days. But, it seems, he has been mo- 
lested and forced to leave his home to avoid the annoyance and vio- 
lence of the rebel party. There are, however, more than three 
thousand young men, of the warrior class, who adhere to his prin- 
ciples, and hold true faith and allegiance to the United States. 

They say also that John Ross is not a Secessionist, and that there 
are more than four thousand patriots among the Cherokees, who are 
true to the Government of the United Sutes. This agrees, substan- 
tially, with my own persona] knowledge, unless diey have changed 
within a very short time, which is not at all probable, as the Chero- 
kees, of this class, are pretty fully and correctly informed about the 
nature of the controversy. And I may add, that much of their in- 
formation is, through one channel and another, communicated to the 
Creeks, and much of their spirit too. 

On the whole, judging from the most reliable information, I have 
been able to obtain, I feel assured that the Full Indians of the Creeks, 
Cherokees, Seminoles, and the small bands living in the Creek Nation, 
are faithful to the Government And the same, to a great extent, is 



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64 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

moreover, on recognizably loyal ground, causes for dis- 
satisfaction among Kansas emigrant tribes to be re- 
true of the Choctawt and Chickatawt. And were it not for the pros- 
unity of the rebel force, the loyal Indians would put down the Seces- 
sion movement among themselves, at once. Or rather, they would not 
have suffered it to rise at all. 

The loyal Indians say, diey wish ''to stand by their Old Treaties." 
And they are as persistent in their adherence to these Treaties, as 
we are, lp our Constitution. And I have no doubt that, as soon as 
the Government can afford diem protection, they will be ready, at the 
first call, to manifest, by overt action, the loyalty to which they are 
pledged 

They are looking, with great anxiety and hope, for the coming of 
the great army. And I have no doubt that a friendly communication 
from the Government, through die Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
would have a powerful effect in removing any false impressions, 
which may have been made, on the ignorant and unwary, by the 
emissaries of Secession, and to encourage and reassure the loyal friends 
of the Government, who, in despair of timely aid, may have been com- 
pelled to yield any degree of submission, to the pressure of an over- 
whelming force. I was expecdng to see these Indians again, and to 
have had further conversation with them. But I am informed by 
Charles Johnnycake diat they have gone to Fort Leavenworth and 
expect to go on to Washington. Hearing this, I hesitated about 
troubling you with this letter at all, as, in that case, you would see 
them yourself. But I have concluded to send it, as affording me an 
opportunity to express a few thoughts, with which it would hardly 
be worth while to occupy a separate letter. 

Hoping that the counsels and movements of the Government may 
be directed by wisdom from above, and that the cause of truth and 
right may prevail, I remain with great respect, Dear Sir, Your Obedi- 
ent Scr^ Evan Jonbs. 

P.S. I rec a note from Mr. Carruth, saying that he was going 
to Washington, with a delegation of Southern Indians, and I suppose 
Mico Hatki and his companions are that Delegation, or at least a 
part of them. 

I will just say in regard to Mr. Carruth that I was acquainted with 
him, several years ago, as a teacher in the Cherokee Nation. He af- 
terwards went to the Creek Nation, / think^ as teacher of a Govern- 
ment school, and I believe, has been there ever since. If so, he must 
know a good deal about the Creeks. Mr. Carruth bore a good char- 
acter. I think be married one of the Missionary ladies of the Pres- 
byterian Mission. 
[Indian Office Special Files, no. aoi, Southern Superintendency, J 530 of 1S61.] 
(b). Wichita Agency, L.D., December 15, 1861. 

All well and doing well. Hear you are having trouble among 
yourselves - fighting one another, but you and we are friendly. Our 



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Lane's Brigade 65 



moved and drastic measures taken with the indigenous 
of the plains. 

The appointment of Hunter to the command of the 

i.. 

brothers the Comanches and all the other tribes are still your friends. 
Mode Cunard and you were here and had the talk with Gen. Pike; 
we still hold to the talk we made with Gen. Pike, and are keeping the 
treaty in good faith, and are looking for him back again soon. We 
look upon you and Mode Cunard and Gen. Pike as brothers. Gen. 
Pike told us at the council that there were but few of us here, and if 
any thing turned up to make it necessary he would protect them. We 
are just as we were when Gen. Pike was up here and keeping the 
treaty made with him. Our brothers the wild Comanches have been 
in and are friendly with us. 

All the Indians here have but one heart Our brothers, the Tex- 
ans, and the Indians are away fighting the cold weather people. We 
do not intend to go North to fight them, but if they come down here, 
we will all wait to drive them away. Some of my people are one- 
eyed and a little crippled, but if the enemy comes here they will all 
jump out to fight him. Pea-o-popicult, the principal Kiowa chief, has 
recently visited the reserve, and expressed friendly intentions, and has 
gone back to consult the rest of his people, and designs returning. 

H08ECA X Maria 1 

Kb-Had-a-wah I Chiifs of the Camanchn 

Buffalo Hump J 

Te-nah 

Geo. Washington 

Jim Pockmark 
[Indian Office, Confederate Papers, Copy of a letter to John Jumper, certified 
as a true copy by A. T. Pagy.] 

(c). Lbrot, Coffey Co., Kansas^ Nov. 4, t86i. 

Hon. Wm. P. Dole, Com* Indian AffaxrSi 
Washington, D. C. 
Dear Sir: Enclosed I send you a statement of delegation of 
Creeks, Chickasaw, and Kininola who are here for assistance from 
the Government. You will see by the enclosed that I have held a 
Council with them the result of which I send verbatim. They have 
travelled some 300 or 400 miles to get here, had to take an unfre- 
quented road and were in momentary fear of dieir lives not because 
the secessionists were stronger than the Union party in their nation, 
but because the secessionists were on the alert and were determined 
that there should be no communication with the Government 

They underwent a great many privations in getting here, had to 
bear their own expenses, which as some of them who were up here a 
short time ago have travelled in coming and going some 900 miles 
was considerable. 

I am now supplying them with everything they need on my own 
responsibility. They dare not return to their people unless troops 



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66 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Department of Kansas was open to certain objections, 
no doubt; but, to Lane, whose forceful personality had 

are sent with them and they auure me the moment that b done, a 
large portion of each of the tribes will rally to the support of the 
Government and that their warriors will gladly take up arms in its 
defence. 

I write to you from Topeka and urge that steps be taken to ren- 
der them the requisite protection. I am satisfied that the Department 
will see the urgent necessity of carrying out the Treaty stipulations 
and giving these Indians who are so desirous of standing firm by the 
Government and who have resisted so persistently all the overtures 
of the secessionists, the assistance and protection which is their due. 
I am informed by these Indians that John Ross is desirous of standing 
by the Government, and that he has 4000 warriors who are willing to 
do battle for the cause of the Union. 

They also inform me, that the Washitas, Caddos, Tenies, Wa- 
koes, Tewakano, Chiekies, Shawnees, and Kickapoos are almost 
unanimously Union. Gen. Lane is anxious to do something to relieve 
the Union Indians in the southern tribes, by taking prompt and ener- 
getic steps at this time -it can be done with little expense and but 
little trouble, while die benefit to be derived will be incalculable. 
Let me beg of you and more that the matter be laid before the De- 
partment and the proper steps be taken to give the Indians that pro- 
tection which is their due and at the same time take an important 
step in sustaining the supremacy of the Government Your obedient 
Servant, Geo. A. Cutler, agent for the Indians of the Creek agency. 

Enclosures 

At a Council of the Creeks, held at Leroy in CoflFey County, Kan- 
sas, at the house of the Agent of said Indians, Maj. Geo. A. Cutler, 
who was unable to visit their Country owing to the rebellion existing 
in the Country, the following talk was had by the Chiefs of said 
nation, eight in number -Four Creeks, Two Seminoles, Two Chick- 
asaws. 

Oke-Tah-hah-shah-haw-choe, Chief of Creek Upper District 
says, he will talk short words this time -wants to tell how to get 
trouble in Creek nation. First time Albert Pike come in he made 
great deal trouble. That roan told Indian that the Union people 
would come and take away property and would take away land- 
now you sleep, you ought to wake up and attend to your own prop- 
erty. Tell them there ain't no U.S. -ain't any more Treaty -all be 
dead- Tell them as there is no more U.S. no more Treaty that the 
Creeks had better make new Treaty with the South and the Southern 
President would protect them and give them their annuity- Tell 
them if you make Treaty with southern President that he would pay 
you more annuity and would pay better than the U.S. if they the In- 
dians would help the Southern President- Mr. Pike makes the half 



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Lane's Brigade (yj 



impressed itself, for good or ill, upon the trans-Mis- 
souri region, it was, to say the least, somewhat discon- 

breeds believe what he says and the half breeds makes some of the 
full blood Indians believe what he says that they (the Indians) must 
help the secessionists. Then that is so -but as for himself he dont 
believe him yet Then he thought the old U^S. was alive yet and 
the Treaty was good. Wont go against the U.S. himself- That is 
the reason the Secessions want to have him- The Secessionists of- 
fered 5000$ for his head because he would not go against the U.S. 
Never knew that Creek have an agent here until he come and see 
him and that is why I have come among this Union people. Have 
come in and saw my agent and want to go by the old Treaty. Wants 
to get with U.S. Army so that I can get back to my people as Se- 
cessionists will not let me go. Wants the Great Father to send the 
Union Red people and Troops down the Black Beaver road and he 
will guide them to his country and then all his people will be for the 
Union - That he cannot get back to his people any other way - Our 
Father to protect the land in peace so that he can live in peace on the 
land according to the Treaty- At die time I left my union people 
I told them to look to the Beaver Road until I come. Promised his 
own people that the U.S. Army would come back the Beaver Road • 
and wants to go diat way - The way he left his country his people 
was in an elbow surrounded by secessions and his people is not strong 
enough against them for Union and that is the reason he has come 
up for help- Needed guns, powder, lead to take to his own people; 
Own people for the Union about 3350 warriors all Creeks- Needed 
now clothing, tents for winter, tools, shirts, and every thing owned by 
whites, - wants their annuity as they need it now- The Indians and 
the Whites among us have done nothing against any one but the 
Secessionists have compelled us to fight and we are willing to fight 
for die Union. Creek half breeds joined secessionists 3a head men 
and leaders -27 towns for the Union among Creeks 

Signed: Gke-tah-hah-shah-haw Chob 
his X mark. 
Talk of Chickasaw Chief, Toi-Lad-Ke 
Says -Will talk short words -have had fever and sick- Seces- 
sionists told him no more U.S. no more Treaty -all broken up better 
make new Treaty with Secessionists- Although they told him all diis 
did not believe them and that is reason came up to see if there was 
not still old U.S. - Loves his country - loves his children and would not 
believe them yet- That he did not believe what the Secessionists 
told him and they would not let him live in peace and that is the 
reason he left his country- The secessionists want to tie him -whip 
him and make him join them -but he would not and he left 
100 warriors for secession - 
2240 do " Union 



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68 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

certing, not because Lane was hostile to Hunter person- 
ally -the two men had long had a friendly acquaintance 

The tecessioDiitt plague him to much talk he aikt for his coontiy 
that the army go down and that it what his people wants same as 
Creek and Seminole- Have seen the agent of the Creeks but have 
not seen our agent but want to see him- wants agent sent- He has 
alwajTS done no wrong- Secessionists would not let him live in 
peace - and if have to fight all his people will fight for Union - That 
is all the chance that he can save his lands and property to children - 
by old U.S. and Treaty- Chickasaw - Seminoles and Creeks all in 
no difference - all for the Union - all want annuity and have had none 
for some time- Now my Great Father you must remember me and 
my people and all our wants Signed', Tob-Lad-Kb, his X mark. 

Talk of Sgminoig Chief, ChoO'Loo-Foe-Lop-hak-Choe 
Says: Pike went among the Seminoles and tell them the same as 
he told the Creek The talk of Pike he did not believe and told him 
so himself -Some of my people did believe Pike and did join the 
secessionists also he believed the old U.S. is alive and Treaty not 
dead and that is the reason he come up and had diis talk - Never had 
done any thing against Treaty and had come to have Great Father 
protect us- Secession told him that Union men was going to take 
away land and property -could get no annuity old U.S. all gone- 
come to see -find it not so -wants President to send an agent dont 
know who agent is -wants to appoint agent himself as he knows who 
he wants. Twelve towns are for the Union 

500 warriors for the Union 
100 do " Secession 
All people who come with Billy Bowlegs are Union- Chief in place 
of Billy Bowlegs Shoe-Nock-Me-Koe this is hb name- Need every- 
thing that Creeks need -arms clothing, etc etc wants lo go wit|i 
army same way and same road with Creek- This is what we ask of 
our Great Father live as the Treaty sajrs in peace -and all Seminole 
warriors will fight for the Union. This is the request of our people 
of our Great Father They need their annuity have not had any for 
nearly a year and want it sent 

Signed: Choo-Loo-Fob-Lop-hah-Chob, his X mark. 
We the Chiefs of the three nations Creeks, Chickasaws and 
Seminoles who are of this delegation and all for the Union and the 
majority of our people are for the Union and agree in all that has 
been said by the Chiefs who have made this talk, and believe all they 
have said to be true- 

Okb-Tah-Hah-shah-haw-Chob his X mark ■ q^^y 
Whttb Chief his X mark 



Bob Dbbb hb X mark 1 q^^^ 

Phu. DAvm his X mark 



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Lane's Brigade 69 



with each other*" -but because he had had great hopes 
of receiving the post himself/** The time was now 
drawing near for him to repair to Washington to re- 
sume his senatorial duties since Congress was to convene 
the second of December. 

To further his scheme for Indian enlistment, Lane 
had projected an inter-tribal council to be held at his 
own headquarters. E. H. Carruth worked especially 
to that end. The man in charge of the Southern Super- 
intendency, W. G. Coffin, had a similar plan in mind 
for less specific reasons. His idea was to confer with 
the representatives of the southern tribes with reference 
to Indian Territory conditions generally. It was part 
of the duty appertaining to his office. Humboldt*** 
was the place selected by him for the meeting; but Le- 
roy, being better protected and more accessible, was 
soon substituted. The sessions commenced the six- 

Tob-Lad-Kb his X mark ' 



Chap-pia-kb hit X mark 



:}' 



Choo-Loo-Foe-Lop-hah-Chob his X mark \ seminole 

Oh-Chbn-Yah-hob-lah his X mark / 

Witness I C. F. Curbibr 
W. Whutlbr 

Lbrot, Coffey Co. Kan., Nov. 4 x86i. 
I do certify diat the within statement of the different chiefs were 
taken before me at a council held at my house at the time stated 
and that the talk of the Indian was correctly taken down by a com- 
petent clerk at the time. 

Geo. a. Cutlbb, Agent for the Creek Indians. 
[Indian Office Special Files, no. aoi, Southern Superintendenqf, €1400 of 
1861.] 

1*' Their acquaintance dated, if not from the antebellum days when 
Hunter was stationed at Fort Leavenworth and was not partioilarly 
magnanimous in his treatment of Soudiemers, then from those when he had 
charge, by order of General Scott, of die guard at die White House. Report 
of the Military Services of General David Hunter, pp. 7, 8. 
"^^^ Daily Conservative, November 13, 1861. 

^^ Coffin to Dole, October a, x86i. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
Report, 1 861, p. 39. 



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yo The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

tccnth^** of November and were still continuing on the 
twenty-third."* It had not been possible to hold them 
earlier because of the disturbed state of the country and 
the consequent difficulty of getting into touch with the 
Indians. 

Upon assuming command of the Department of 
Kansas, General Hunter took full cognizance of the 
many things making for disquietude and tumioil in the 
country now under his jurisdiction. Indian relations 
became, of necessity, matters of prime concern. Three 
things bear witness to this fact, Hunter^s plans for an 
inter-tribal council at Fort Leavenworth, his own head- 
quarters; his advocacy of Indian enlistment, especially 
from among the southern Indians; and his intention, 
early avowed, of bringing Brigadier-general James W. 
Denver into military prominence and of entrusting to 
him the supervisory command in Kansas. In some re- 
spects, no man could have been found equal to Denver 
in conspicuous fitness for such a position. He had 
served as commissioner of Indian affairs"^ under Bu- 
chanan and, although a Virginian by birth, had had a 
large experience with frontier life -in Missouri, in the 
Southwest during the Mexican War, and in California. 
He had also measured swords with Lane. It was in 
squatter-sovereignty days when, first as secretary and 
then as governor of Kansas Territory, he had been in a 
position to become intimately acquainted with the in- 
tricacies of Lane's true character and had had both 
occasion and opportunity to oppose some of that 
worthy's autocratic and thoroughly lawless maneu- 

^*" Daily Conservative, November 17, 1861. 

**• — Ibid., November 23,1861. 

^^v Denver was twice appointed Commissioner of Indian Affairs by 
Buchanan. For details as to bis ofikial career, see Biographical CongreS' 
sional Directory, 499, and Robinson, Kansas Conflict, 434. 



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Lane^s Brigade 71 



vers."* As events turned out, this very acquaintance 
with Lane constituted his political unfitness for the con- 
trol that Hunter,"* in December, and Halleck,"* in the 
following March, designed to give him. With the 
second summons to command, came opportunity for 
Lane's vindictive animosity to be called into play. His- 
torically, it furnished conclusive proof, if any were 
needed, that Lane had supreme power over the distribu- 
tion of Federal patronage in his own state and exer- 
cised that power even at the cost of the well-being and 
credit of his constituency. 

When Congress began its second session in Decem- 
ber, the fight against Lane for possession of his seat in 
the Senate proceeded apace; but that did not, in the 
least, deter him from working for his brigade. His 
scheme now was to have it organized on a different 
footing from that which it had sustained heretofore. 
His influence with the administration in Washington 
was still very peculiar and very considerable, so much 
so, in fact, that President Lincoln, without taking ex- 
pert advice and without consulting either the military 
men, whose authority would necessarily be affected, or 
the civil officials in Kansas, nominated him to the Sen- 
ate as brigadier-general to have charge of troops in that 
state.*" Secretary Cameron was absent from the city 

^^* Robinson, op. cit,, 378 ff., 424 ff. 

^^* Official Rtcordst vol. viii, 456. 

w^itid,, 83a. 

^^^The Leavenworth Daity Conservative teemed fairly jubilant over the 
prospect of Lane's early return to military activity. The following ex- 
tracts from its news items and editorials convey some such idea: 

"General Lane of Kansas has been nominated to the Senate and unani- 
mously confirmed, as Brigadier General, to command Kansas troops; the 
express understanding being that General Lane's seat in the Senate shall not 
be vacated until he accepts his new commission, which he will not do until 
the Legislature of Kansas assembles, next month. He has no idea of doing 
anything that shall oblige Governor Robinson and his appointee (Stanton) 



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72 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

at the time this was done and apparently, when ap- 
prised of it, made some objections on the score, not so 
much of an invasion of his own prerogative, as of its 
probable effect upon Hunter. Cameron had his first 
consultation with Lane regarding the matter, January 
second, and was given by him to understand that every- 
thing had been done in strict accordance with Hunter's 
own wishes.*" The practical question of the relation 
of Lane's brigade to Hunter's command soon, however, 
presented itself in a somewhat different light and its 
answer required a more explicit statement from the 
president than had yet been made. Lincoln, when ap- 
pealed to, unhesitatingly repudiated every suggestion 
of the idea that it had ever been his intention to give 
Lane an independent command or to have Hunter, in 
any sense, superseded."* 

The need for sending relief to the southern Indians, 
which, correctly interpreted meant, of course, reassert- 
ing authority over them and thus removing a menacing 
and impending danger from the Kansas border, had 
been one of Lane's strongest arguments in gaining his 
way with the administration. The larger aspect of his 
purpose was, however, the one that appealed to Com- 
missioner Dole, who, as head of the Indian Bureau, 
seems fully to have appreciated the responsibility that 

who has been in waiting for several months to take the place.*' — Daily Con^ 
servativif January i, 1863. 

'^Rejoicing in Neosho Battalion over report that Lane appointed to 
command Kansas troops." — Ibid,, January 4, 1862. 

"General Lane will soon be here and General Denver called to another 
command." — Ibid,, January 7, 1862. 

*»* Cameron to Hunter, January 3, 1862, Official Records, vol. liii, supple- 
ment, 512-513. 

^** Martin F. Conway, the Kansas representative in Congress, was under 
no misapprehension as to Lane's true position; for Lincoln had told him 
personally that Lane was to be under Hunter [Daily Conservative, February 
6, 1862]. 



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Lane's Brigade 73 

assuredly rested in all honor upon the government, 
whether conscious of it or not, to protect its wards in 
their lives and property. From the first intimation 
given him of Lane's desire for a more energetic pro- 
cedure, Dole showed a willingness to cooperate; and, 
as many things were demanding his personal attention 
in the West, he so timed a journey of his own that it 
might be possible for him to assist in getting together 
the Indian contingent that was to form a part of the 
"Southern Expedition."*" 
The urgency of the Indian call for help"* and the 

^^^ Lane's expedition was variously referred to as "the Southern Expedi- 
tion/' "the Cherokee Expedition," "the great jayhawking expedition," and 
by many another name, more or less opprobrious. 

^>" Representations of the great need of the Indians for assistance were 
made to the goyernroent by all sorts of people. Agent after agent wrote to 
the Indian Office. The Reverend Evan Jones wrote repeatedly and on the 
second of January had sent information, brought to him at Lawrence by two 
fugitive Cherokees, of the recent battle in which the loyalists under Opoeth- 
le-yo-ho-la had been worsted, at the Big Bend of the Arkansas [Indian Office 
Special Files, no. loi. Southern Superintendency, J 540 of 1862]. In the early 
winter, a mixed delegation of Creeks and others had made their way to Wash- 
ington, hoping by personal entreaty to obtain succor for their distressed people, 
and justice. Hunter had issued a draft for their individual relief [ibid,, 
J53S of i86z], and passes from Fort Leavenworth to Washington [ibid,, 
C1433 of 1861]. It was not so easy for them to get passes coming back. 
Application was made to the War Department and referred back to the 
Interior [ibid,, A434 of 1861]. The estimate, somewhat inaccurately footed 
up, of the total expense of the return journey as submitted by agents Cutler 
and Carruth was, 
"11 ItR. Tickets to Fort Leavenworth by way of New York City 

$48 $ 528.00 

II men $3 ea (incidental expenses) . .• 22.00 

2V9 wks board at Washington $5 i37*50 

Expenses from Leavenworth to Ind. Nat 50.00 

Pay of Tecumseh for taking care of horses 25.00 

[Ibid,, C1433 of i86i]. $ 9^.50" 

Dole had not encouraged the delegation to come on to Washington. He 
pleaded lack of funds and the wish that they would wait in Fort Leaven- 
worth and attend Hunter's inter-tribal council so that they might go back 
to their people carrying definite messages of what was to be done [Indian 



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74 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

evident readiness of the government to make answer to 
that call before it was quite too late pointed auspicious- 
ly to a successful outcome for Senator Lane's endeavors; 
but, unfortunately, Major-general Hunter had not been 
sufficiently counted with. Hunter had previously 
shown much sympathy for the Indians in their dis- 
tress "* and also a realization of the strategic importance 

Office Litter Book, no. 67, p. Z07]. Dole had been forwarned of their in- 
tention to appear in Washington by the following letter: 

FOKT Lbavbnworth, Kan., Nov. 2srd 1861. 
HoK. Wm. p. Dole, Com. Indian Affs. 

Sir: On my arrival in St Louis I found Gen^ Hunter at the 
Planters House and delivered the message to him that you had placed 
in my hands for that purpose. He seemed fully satisfied with your 
letter and has acted on it accordingly. I reed from Gen> Hunter 
a letter for Mr. Cutler, and others of this place, all of which I have 
delivered. Having found Cutler here, he having been ordered by 
Lane to move the council from Leroy to Port Scott But from some 
cause (which I have not learned) he has brought the chiefs all here 
to the Fort, where they are now quartered awaiting the arrival of 
Gen* Hunter. He has with him six of the head chiefs of the Creek, 
Seminole and Cherokee Nations, and tells me that they are strong for 
the Union. He also sajrs that John Ross (Cherokee) is all right but 
dare not let it be known, and that he will be here if he can get away 
from the tribe. 

These chiefs all say they want to fight for the Union, and that they 
will do so if they can get arms and ammunition. Gen> Hunter has 
ordered me to await his arrival here at which time he will council 
with these men, and report to you the result I think he will be here 
on Tuesday or Wednesday. Cutler wants to take the Indians to 
Washington, but I advised him not to do so until I could hear from 
3rou. When I met him here he was on his way there. 

You had better write to him here as soon as you get this, or you 
will see him there pretty soon. 

I have nothing more to write now but will write in a day or two. 
Yours Truly R. W. Dole. 

P.S. Coffin is at home sick, but will be here soon. Branch is at St 
Joe but would not come over with me, cause, too buissie to attend to 
business. 
[Indian Office Special Files, no 201, Southern Superintendency, D410 of 
1861]. 

^**In part proof of this take his letter to Adjutant-general Thomas, 
Januaiy 15, 1862. 

'^n my arrival here in November last I telegraphed for permission to 



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Lane's Brigade 75 

of Indian Territory. Some other explanation, there- 
fore, must be found for the opposition he advanced to 
Lane's project as soon as it was brought to his notice. 
It had been launched without his approval having been 
explicitly sought and almost under false pretences.*" 
Then, too. Lane's bumptiousness, after he had accom- 
plished his object, was naturally very irritating. But, 
far above every other reason, personal or professional, 
that Hunter had for objecting to a command conducted 
by Lane was the identical one that Halleck,"' Robin- 
son, and many another shared with him, a wholesome 
repugnance to such marauding"* as Lane had per- 
mitted his men to indulge in in the autumn. It was to 
be feared that Indians under Lane would inevitably 
revert to savagery. There would be no one to put any 
restraint upon them and their natural instincts would 
be given free play. Conceivably then, it was not mere 
supersensitiveness and pettiness of spirit that moved 
General Hunter to take exception to Lane's appoint- 
ment but regard for the honor of his profession, per- 
chance, also, a certain feeling of personal dignity that 

mutter a Brigade of Kansas Indians into the senrice of the United States, 
to assist the friendly Creek Indians in maintaining their loyalty. Had this 
permission been promptly granted, I have eveiy reason to believe that the 
present disastrous state of aflFairs, in the Indian country west of Arkansas, 
could have been avoided. I now again respectfully repeat my request" -^ 
Indian Office General Files, Southern Suptrintendgncy, 1859-1862. 

^"^ To the references given in Abel, The Annrican Indian as Staviholder 
and Secessionist, add Thomas to Hunter, January 24, 186a, Offiaal Records, 
vql. viii, 525. 

^*" The St. Louis Republican credited Halleck with characterizing Hunter's 
conunand, indiscriminately, as "marauders, bandits, and outlaws" [Daily 
Conservative, February 7, 1862]. In a letter to Lincoln, January 6, 186a, 
Halleck said some pretty plain truths about Lane [Official Records ^ vol. vii, 
532-533]. He would probably have had the same objection to the use of 
Indians that he had to the use of negroes in warfare [Daily Conservative, 
May 23, 1862, quoting from the Chicago Tribune']. 

^"* On marauding by Lane's brigade, see McClellan to Stanton, February 
II, 1862 [Official Records, vol. viii, 552-553]. 



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76 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

legitimately resented executive interference with his 
rights. His protest had its effect and he was informed 
that it was entirely within his prerogative to lead the 
expedition southward himself. He resolved to do it. 
Lane was, for once, outwitted. 

The end, however, was not yet. About the middle 
of January, Stanton became Secretary of War and soon 
let it be known that he, too, had views on the subject of 
Indian enlistment. As a matter of fact, he refused to 
countenance it.*** The disappointment was the most 
keen for Commissioner Dole. Since long before the 
day when Secretary Smith had announced*" to him 
that the Department of War was contemplating the 
employment of four thousand Indians in its service, he 
had hoped for some means of rescuing the southern 
tribes from the Confederate alliance and now all plans 
had come to naught. And yet the need for strenuous 
action of some sort had never been so great.*" Opoeth- 
le-yo-ho-la and his defeated followers were refugees on 
the Verdigris, imploring help to relieve their present 

^*0Note this teriet of telegrams [Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, 
Southern Superiniindency, D 576 of 1862] : 

''Secretary of War is unwilling to put Indians in the army. Is to consult 
with President and settle it today." — SMtm to Dole, February 6, 1862. 

"President cant attend to business now. Sickness in the family. No 
arrangements can be made now. Make necessary arrangements for relief 
of Indians. I will send communication to Congress today.'* — Same to Same, 
February 11, 1862. 

"Go on and supply the destitute Indians. Congress will supply the means. 
War Department will not organize them." — Same to Same, February 14, 
1862. 

^*^ Smith to Dole, January 3, 1862 [Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, 
Central Superintendency, 1 531 of 1862; Commissioner of Indian AflFairs, 
Report, 1862, p. 150]. 

i«3 0n the second of January, Agent Cutler wired from Leavenworth to 
Dole, "Heopothleyohola with four thousand warriors is in the field and 
needs help badly. Secession Creeks are deserting him. Hurry up Lane." — 
Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Southern Superintendency^ C 1443 of 1862. 



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Lane's Brigade 77 



necessities and to enable them to return betimes to their 
own country."* Moreover, Indians of northern ante- 
cedents and sympathies were exhibiting unwonted en- 
thusiasm for the cause *" and it seemed hard to have to 
repel them. Dole was, nevertheless, compelled to do 
it. On the eleventh of February, he countermanded 
the orders he had issued to Superintendent Coffin and 
thus a temporary quietus was put upon the whole aflfair 
of the Indian Expedition. 



^*' Their plea was expressed most strongly in the course of an interview 
which Dole had with representatives of the Loyal Creeks and Seminoles, 
lowas and Delawares, February i, 1862. Robert Burbank, the Iowa agent, 
was there. White Cloud acted as interpreter [Daily Conservative, February 
2, 1862]. 

^^^ Some of these had been provoked to a desire for war by the inroads of 
Missourians. Weas» Piankeshaws, Peorias, and Miamies, awaiting the re- 
turn of Dole from the interior of Kansas, said, ''they were for peace but 
the Missourians had not left them alone" [ibid,^ February 9, 1862]. 



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III. THE INDIAN REFUGEES IN SOUTH- 
ERN KANSAS 

The thing that would most have justified the military 
employment of Indians by the United States govern- 
ment, in the winter of 1862, was the fact that hundreds 
and^ thousands of thei r south ern brethren were then 
Refugees Jbiecaujc^ oM ^unswcrving^ 

dcYbtion^ to th^^ The tale of those 

refugees, of their wanderings, theif deprivations, their 
sufferings, and their wrongs, comparable only to that 
of the Belgians in the Great European War of 1914, is 
one of the saddest to relate, and one of the most dis- 
graceful, in the history of the War of Secession, in its 
border phase. 

The first in the long procession of refugees were 
those of the army of Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la who, after their 
final defeat by Colonel James Mcintosh in the Battle 
of Chustenahlah, December 26, 1861, had fled up the 
valley of the Verdigris River and had entered Kansas 
near Walnut Creek. In scattered lines, with hosts of 
stragglers, the enfeebled, the aged, the weary, and the 
sick, they had crossed the Cherokee Strip and the Osage 
Reservation and, heading steadily towards the north- 
east, had finally encamped on the outermost edge of the 
New York Indian Lands, on Fall River, some sixty 
odd miles west of Humboldt. Those lands, never hav- 
ing been accepted as an equivalent for their Wisconsin 
holdings by the Iroquois, were not occupied throughout 
their entire extent by Indians and only here and there 



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8o The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

encroached upon by white intruders, consequently the 
impoverished and greatly fatigued travellers encoun- 
tered no obstacles in settling themselves down to rest 
and to wait for a much needed replenishment of their 
resources. 

Their coming was expected. On their way north- 
ward, they had fallen in, at some stage of the journey, 
with some buffalo hunters. Sacs and Foxes of the Mis- 
sissippi, returning to their reservation, which lay some 
distance north of Burlington and chiefly in present 
Osage County, Kansas. To them the refugees reported 
their recent tragic experience. The Sacs and Foxes 
were most sympathetic and, after relieving the necessi- 
ties of the refugees as best they could, hurried on ahead, 
imparting the news, in their turn, to various white peo- 
ple whom they met. In due course it reached General 
Denver, still supervising affairs in Kansas, and Wil- 
liam 0. Coffin, the southern superintendent. *** It was 
the first time, since his appointment the spring before, 
that Coffin had had any prospect of getting in touch 
with any considerable number of his charges and he 
must have welcomed the chance of now really earning 
his salary. He ordered all of the agents under him- 
and some"* of them had not previously entered offi- 
cially upon their duties -to assemble at Fort Roe, on 
the Verdigris, and be prepared to take charge of their 

^*" These facts were obtained chiefly from a letter, not strictly accurate 
as to some of its details, written by Superintendent Coffin to Dole, January 
15, 1862 [Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Southern Superintendgncy, 
C 1474 ^^ 1862]. 

166 For instance, William P. Davis, who had been appointed Seminole 
Agent, despairing of ever reaching his post, had gone into the army [Dole 
to John S. Davis of New Albany, Indiana, April 5, 1862, Indian Office 
Litter Book, no. 68, p. 39]. George C. Snow of Parke County, Indiana, was 
appointed in his stead [Dole to Snow, January 13, 1862, ibid,, no. 67, p. 



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Indian Refugees in Southern Kansas 8i 

several contingents; for the refugees, although chiefly 
Creeks, were representative of nearly every one of the 
non-indigenous tribes of Indian Territory. 

It is not an easy matter to say, with any show of ap- 
proach to exact figures, how many the refugees num- 
bered."^ For weeks and weeks, they were almost con- 
tinually coming in and even the very first reports bear 
suspicious signs of the exaggeration that became really 
notorious as graft and peculation entered more and 
more into the reckoning. Apparently, all those who, in 
ever so slight a degree, handled the relief funds, except, 
perhaps, the army men, were interested in making the 
numbers appear as large as possible. The larger the 
need represented, the larger the sum that might, with 
propriety, be demanded and the larger the opportunity 
for graft. Settlers, traders, and some government 
agents were, in this respect, all culpable together. 

There was no possibility of mistake, however, inten- 
tional or otherwise, about the destitu tion of the refu- 
gees^ ^I t. _ was ^ inconceivably K orrible . The winter 

weather of late December and early January had been 
most inclement and the Indians had trudged through 
it, over snow-covered, rocky, trailless places and deso- 
late prairie, nigh three hundred miles. When they 
started out, they were not any too well provided with 
clothing; for they had departed in a hurry, and, before 
they got to Fall River, not a few of them were absolute- 
ly naked. They had practically no tents, no bed-cover- 
ings, and no provisions. Dr. A. B. Campbell, a sur- 
geon sent out by General Hunter,"* had reached them 

^*^ Compare the statistics given in the following: Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs, Report, 1861, p. 151; i86a, pp. 137, 157; Indian Office Special 
Files, no. aoi. Southern Superintendency, C 1525 of i86a; General Files, 
Southern Superintendency, C 1602 of 1862. 

^**The army furnished the first relief that reached them. In its issue 



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82 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

towards the end of January and their condition was then 
so bad, so wretched that it was impossible for him to 
depict it. Prairie grasses were "their only protection 
from the snow" upon which they were lying "and from 
the wind and weather scraps and rags stretched upon 
switches." Ho-go-bo-foh-yah, the second Creek chief, 
was ill with a fever and "his tent (to give it that name) 
was no larger than a small blanket stretched over a 
switch ridge pole, two feet from the ground, and did 
not reach it by a foot from the ground on either side of 
him." Campbell further said that the refugees were 
greatly in need of medical assistance. They were suf- 
fering "with inflammatory diseases of the chest, throat, 
and eyes." Many had "their toes frozen oflF," others, 
"their feet wounded." But few had "either shoes or 
moccasins." Dead horses were lying around in every 
direction and the sanitary conditions were so bad that 
the food was contaminated and the newly-arriving refu- 
gees became sick as soon as they ate."* 

Other details of their destitution were furnished by 
Coffin's son who was acting as his clerk and who was 
among the first to attempt alleviation of their misery."" 
As far as relief went, however, the supply was so out of 
proportion to the demand that there was never any time 
that spring when it could be said that they were fairly 
comfortable and their ordinary wants satisfied. Camp- 
bell frankly admitted that he "selected the nakedest of 
the naked" and doled out to them the few articles he 

of January i8, 1862, the Daily Consirnwtivg has this to say: 'The Kansas 
Seventh has been ordered to move to Humboldt, Allen Co. to give i«lief to 
Refugees encamped on Fall River. Lt Col. Chas. T. Clark, ist Battalion, 
Kansas Tenth, is now at Humboldt and well acquainted with the conditions.*' 

^** Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, pp. 151-152. 

»»0 0. 8. Coffin to William G. Coffin, January 26, 1862, Indian Office 
Special Files, no. 201, Southern Superintendency, C 1506 of 1862. 



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Indian Refugees in Southern Kansas 83 

had. When all was gone, how pitiful it must have 
been for him to see the "hundreds of anxious faces" 
for whom there was nothing 1 Captain Turner, from 
Hunter's commissary department, had similar experi- 
ences. According to him, the refugees were "in want 
of every necessary of life." That was his report the 
eleventh of February."* On the fifteenth of February, 
the army stopped giving supplies altogether and the 
refugees were thrown back entirely upon the extremely 
limited resources of the southern superintendency. 

Dole"* had had warning from Hunter"* that such 
would have to be the case and had done his best to be 
prepared for the emergency. Secretary Smith author- 
ized expenditure for relief in advance of congressional 
appropriation, but that simply increased the moral 
obligation to practice economy and, with hundreds of 
loyal Indians on the brink of starvation,"* it was no 

^^^ Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, i86a, pp. 152-154. 

ITS po]( had an interview with the Indians immediately upon his arrival 
in Kansas [Moore, Rebellion Record, vol. iv, 59-60, Doc 21]. 

^T* Hunter to Dole, February 6, 1862, forwarded by Edward Wolcott to 
Mix, February 10, 1862 [Indian Office General Files, Southern Superintend' 
^^y$ 1859-1862, W 513 and D 576 of 1862; Conmtissioner of Indian Affairs, 
Report, 1862, p. 150]. 

^^* Agent G. C. Snow reported, February 13, 1862, on the utter destitu- 
tion of the Seminoles [Indian Office General Files, Seminole, 1858-1869] and, 
on the same day, Coffin [ibid., Southern Superintendency, 1859-1862, C 1526] 
to the same effect about the refugees as a whole. They were coming in, he 
said, about twenty to sixty a day. The "destitution, misery and suffering 
amongst them is beyond the power of any pen to portray, it must be seen 
to be realised — there are now here over two thousand men, women, and 
children entirely barefooted and more than that number that have not rags 
enough to bide their nakedness, many have died and they are constantly 
djring. I should think at a rough guess that from 12 to 15 hundred dead 
Ponies are laying around in the camp and in the river. On this account 
so soon as the weather gets a little warm, a removal of this camp will be 
indetpensable, there are perhaps now two thousand Ponies living, they are 
very poor and many of them must die before grass comes which we expect 
here from the first to the loth of March. We are issuing a little com to 



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84 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

time for economy. T|]jLiaad£gHacy^9lJb? jD4i§i? J??- 
vice and^C-incffiqency of the Federal never showed 
up more pl2iinily^cuthe^tteiL.di8crcdit of. the^nation, 
than^ay this pcriod^r^ji ^nt^is connection. 

Besides getting permission from Secretary Smith 
to go ahead and supply the more pressing needs of the 
refugees, Dole accomplished another thing greatly to 
their interest. He secured from the staff of General 
Lane a special agent, Dr. William Kile of Illinois,*'* 
who had formerly been a business partner of his own*'* 
and, like Superintendent Coffin, his more or less inti- 
mate friend. Kile's particular duty as special agent 
was to be the purchasing of supplies for the refugees*" 
and he at once visited their encampment in order the 
better to determine their requirements. His investi- 
gations more than corroborated the earlier accounts of 
their sufferings and privations and his appointment un- 
der the circumstances seemed fully justified, notwith- 
standing that on the surface of things it appeared very 
suggestive of a near approach to nepotism, and of nep- 
otism Dole, Coffin, and many others were unquestion- 
ably guilty. They worked into the service just as many 
of their own relatives and friends as they conveniently 
and safely could. The official pickings were consid- 
ered by them as their proper perquisites. " 'Twas ever 
thus" in American politics, city, county, state, and 
national. 

The Indian encampment upon the occasion of 

the Indians and they are feeding them a little. . . " See also Moore, 
Rebetlion Record, vol iv, 30. 

^YB Dole was from Illinois also, from Edgar County; Coffin was from 
Indiana [Indian Office Miscellaneous Records, no. 8, p. 432]. 

^^^ Daily Conservative, February 8, i86a. 

^^^ Indian Office Consolidated Files, Southern Superintendency, D 576 of 
1863; Letter Book, no. 67, pp. 450-452. 



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Indian Refugees in Southern Kansas 85 

Kile's "• visit was no longer on Fall River. Gradually, 
since first discovered, the main body of the refugees had 
moved forward within the New York Indian Lands to 
the Verdigris River and had halted in the neighbor- 
hood of Fort Roe, where the government agents had 
received them ; but smaller or larger groups, chiefly of 
the sick and their friends, were scattered all along the 
way from Walnut Creek,"* Some of the very belated 
exiles were as far westward as the Arkansas, over a 
hundred miles distant. Obviously, the thing to do first 
was to get them all together in one place. There were 
reasons why the Verdigris Valley was a most desirable 
location for the refugees. Only a very few white peo- 
ple were settled there and, as they were intruders and 
had not a shadow of legal claim to the land upon which 
they had squatted, any objections that they might make 
to the presence of the Indians could be ignored.^*^ 

For a few days, therefore, all efforts were directed, 
at large expense, towards converting the Verdigris 
Valley, in the vicinity of Fort Roe, into a concentra- 
tion camp; but no precautions were taken against al- 
lowing unhygienic conditions to arise. The Indians 
themselves were much diseased. They had few oppor- 
tunities for personal cleanliness and less ambition. 
Some of the food doled out to them was stuff that the 
army had condemned and rejected as unfit for use. 
They were emaciated, sick, discouraged. Finally, with 

^^* Indian Office Land Files, 1855-1870^ Southern Superinien^Uncy, K107 
of I 86a. 

i^*Some had wandered to the Cottonwood and were camped there in 
great destitution. Their chief food was hominy [Daily Conservative, Feb- 
ruary 14, i86a]. 

1*0 pQr an account of the controversy over the settlement of the New 
York Indian Lands, see Abel, Indian Reservations in Kansas and the Extin- 
guishment of their Title, 13-14. 



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86 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

the February thaw, came a situation that soon proved 
intolerable. The "stench arising from dead ponies, 
about two hundred of which were in the stream and 
throughout the camp," "* unburied, made removal im- 
peratively necessary. 

The Neosho Valley around about Leroy presented 
itself as a likely place, very convenient for the distrib- 
uting agents, and was next selected. Its advantages 
and disadvantages seemed about equal and had all been 
anticipated and commented upon by Captain Turner.*" 
It was near the source of supplies- and that was an item 
very much to be considered, since transportation 
charges, extraordinarily high in normal times were just 
now exorbitant, and the relief funds very, very limited. 
No appropriation by Congress had yet been made al- 
though one had been applied for."' The great disad- 
vantage of the location was the presence of white set- 
tlers and they objected, as well they might, to the near 
proximity of the inevitable disease and filth and, 
strangely enough, more than anything else, to the de- 
struction of the timber, which they had so carefully 
husbanded. The concentration on the Neosho had not 
been fully accomplished when the pressure from the 
citizens became so great that Superintendent Coffin felt 
obliged to plan for yet another removal. Again the 
sympathy of the Sacs and Foxes of Mississippi mani- 
fested itself and most opportunely. Their reservation 

^*^ Annual Report of Superintendent Coffin, October 15, i86a, Commit- 
sioner of Indian Affairs, Report, i86a, p. 136. Compare with Coffin's ac- 
count given in a letter to Dole, February 13, 1862. 

iM February 11, i86a. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report^ i86a, p. 153 ; 
Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Southern Superintendency, D 576 of 1862. 

IS* Congressionai Globe, 37th congress, second session, part i, pp. 815, 849. 
Dole's letter to Smith, January 31, 1862, describing the destitution of the 
refugees, was read in the Senate, February 14, 1862, in support of joint 
resolution S. no. 49, for their relief. 



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Indian Refugees in Southern Kansas 87 

lay about twenty-five miles to the northward and they 
generously offered it as an asylum."* But the Indians 
balked. They were homesick, disgusted with official 
mismanagement*" and indecision, and determined to 
go no farther. They complained bitterly of the treat- 
ment that they had received at the hands of Superintend- 
ent Coffin and of Agent Cutler and, in a stirring ap- 
pear** to President Lincoln, set forth their injuries, 
their grievances, and their incontestable claim upon a 
presumably just and merciful government.*" 

The Indians were not alone in their rebellious atti- 
tude. There was mutiny seething, or something very 
like it, within the ranks of the agents.*" E. H. Carruth 

^•« Coffin to Dole, March a8, i86a [Indita Office Special Files, no. aoi, 
Southern Superintendence, C 1565 of i86a]. 

^^ Mismanagement there most certainly had been. In no other way can 
the fact that there was absolutely no amelioration in their condition be ac- 
counted for. Many documents that will be cited in other connections prove 
this point and Collamore's letter is of itself conclusive. George W. Colla- 
more, known best by his courtesy title of ''General,'' went to Kansas in the 
critical years before the war under circumstances, well and interestingly nar- 
rated in Steams' Life and Public Services of George Luther Steams, 106-108. 
He had been agent for the New England Relief Society in the year of the 
great drouth, 1 860-1861 [Daily Conservative, October a6, 1861] and had had 
much to do with Lane, in whose interests he labored, and who had planned 
to make him a brigadier under himself as major-general [Stearns^ a46, asi]. 
He became quartermaster-general of Kansas {Daily Conservative, March zj, 
1 86a] and in that capacity made, in the company of the Reverend Evan Jones, 
a visit of inspection to the refugee encampment His discoveries were de- 
pressing libid,, April 10^ i86a]. His report to the government [Indian Office 
General Files, Southern Superintendency, C i6oa of i86a] is printed almost 
verbatim in Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, i86a, 155-158. 

^*« Coffin's letter to Dole of April ai, i86a [Indian Office General Files, 
Wichita, i86a-i87i, C 1601 of i86a] seems to cast doubt upon the genuine- 
ness of some of the signatures attached to this appeal and charges Agent 
Carruth with having been concerned in making the Indians discontented. 

1ST Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la and other prominent refugees addressed their com- 
plaints to Dole, March 2% i86a [Indian Office Land Files, Southern Super' 
intendency, 1855-1870^ O43 of i86a] and two days later to President Lin- 
coln, some strong partisan, supposed by Coffin to be Carruth, acting as scribe. 

^^On the way to the Catholic Mission, whither he was going in order 



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88 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

who had been so closely associated with Lane in the 
concoction of the first plan for the recovery of Indian 
Territory, was now figuring as the promoter of a rising 
sentiment against Coflin and his minions, who were 
getting to be pretty numerous. The removal to the Sac 
and Fox reservation would mean the getting into closer 
and closer touch with Perry Fuller,"* the contractor, 
whose dealings in connection with the Indian refugees 
were to become matter, later on, of a notoriety truly dis- 
graceful. Mistrust of Coffin was yet, however, very 
vague in expression and the chief difficulty in effecting 
the removal from the Neosho lay, therefore, in the dis- 
gruntled state of the refugees, which was due, in part, 
to their unalleviated misery and, in part, to domestic 

to oodpertte with Agent Elder in negotiating with the Otaget» Coflin heard 
of ''a sneaking conspiracy" that was ''on foot at lola for the purpose of 
prejudicing the Indians against us [himself and Dole, perhaps, or possibly 
himself and the agents].*' The plotters, so Coffin reported, ''sent over the 
Verdigris for £. H. Carruth who" was "deep in the plot," which was a 
scheme to induce the Indians to lodge complaint against the distributers of 
relief. One of the conspirators was a man who had studied law under 
Lane and who had wanted a position under Kile. Lane had used his influ- 
ence in the man's behalf and the refusal of Coffin to assign him to a position 
was supposed to be the cause of all the trouble. Cofiin learned that his 
enemies had even gone so far as to plan vacancies in the Indian service and 
to fill thenL They had "instructed Lane, Pomeroy, and Conway accord- 
ingly," leaving graciously to Lane the choice of superintendent A Mr. 
Smith, correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette was their accredited secretary 
[Coffin to Dole, April a, i86a, Indian Office Consolidated Files, Southern 
Superintendency, C 1571 of i86a]. 

Further particulars of the disaffection came to Coffin's ears before long 
and he recounted them to Dole in a letter of April 9, i86a {ibid^ General 
Files, Southern Superintendency, 1859-1862]. 

^** Perry Fuller had been in Kansas since 1854 [U. S. House Reports, 34th 
congress, first session, no. aoo, p. 8 of "Testimony"]. The first time that his 
nante is intimately used in the correspondence, relative to the affairs of the 
refugees, is in a letter from Kile to Dole, March 39, i86a [Indian Office 
Consolidated Files, Southern Superintendence , Kxx3 of i86a, which also 
makes mention of the great unwillingness of the Indians to move to the Sac 
and Fox reservation. 



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Indian Refugees in Southern Kansas 89 

tribal discord. There was a quarrel among them over 
leadership, the election of Ock-tah-har-sas Harjo as 
principal chief having aroused strong antagonistic feel- 
ing among the friends of Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la.**^ More- 
over, dissatisfaction against their agent steadily in- 
creased and they asked for the substitution of Carruth ; 
but he, being satisfied with his assignment to the Wich- 
itas,"* had no wish to change."* 



1*0 Carruth gave particulars of this matter to Dole, April 20^ i86a [In- 
dian Oflioe General Files, Wichita^ 1863-1871, C1601 of i86a]. 

^•^Dole to Carruth, March 18, i86a [Indian Office Litter Book, no. 67, 

PP- 493-494]. 

^^ Carruth to Dole, April xo^ x86a [ibid,, General Files, Wichita, x86a- 
1871, CX588 of x86a; Litters Registered, vol. 58]. 



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IV, THE ORGANIZATION OF THE FIRST 
INDIAN EXPEDITION 

Among the manifold requests pujt_forwyd by_th^^^^ 
refugees ^ nSnFwas soTihsisi^^^^^ so dolefully, sin-, 

cere, as thconeJor^mMns to r^^ It is a mis- 

take to suppose that the Indian, traditionally laconic 
and stoical, is without family affection and without that 
noblest of human sentiments, love of country. The 
United States government has, indeed, proceeded upon 
the supposition that he is destitute of emotions, natural 
to his more highly civilized white brother, but its files 
are full to overflowing with evidences to the contrary. 
Everywhere among them the investigator finds the 
exile^s lament The red man has been banished so of- 
ten from familiar and greatly loved scenes that it is a 
wonder he has taken root anywhere and yet he has. 
Attachment to the places where the bones of his people 
lie is with him the most constant of experiences and his 
cry for those same sacred places is all the stronger and 
the more sorrowful because it has been persistently ig- 
nored by the white man. 

The southern Indians had not been so very many 
years in the Indian Territory, most of them not more 
than the span of one generation, but Indian Territory 
was none the less home. If the refugees could only get 
there again, they were confident all would be well with 
them. In Kansas, they were hung ry, afflicted with dis^ 
ease, and dying daily by the score."* Once at home 

^**And yet they did have their amusementt. Their days of exile were 
not filled altogether with bitterness. Coffin, in a letter to the Daily Conjer' 



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92 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

all the ills of the flesh would disappear and lost friends 
be recovered. The cxodus had separated them cruelly 
from each j)ther. There were family and tribal en- 
campments within the one large encampment,*** it is 
true, but there were also widely isolated groups, scat- 
tered indiscriminately across two hundred miles of 
bleak and lonely prairie, and no amount of philan- 
thropic effort on the part of the government agents 
could mitigate the misery arising therefrom or bring 
the groups together. The task had been early aban- 
doned as, under the circumstances, next to impossible ; 
but the refugees went on begging for its accomplish- 
ment, notwithstanding that they had neither the physi- 
cal strength nor the means to render any assistance them- 
selves. Among them the wail of the bereaved vied in 
tragic cadence with the sad inquiry for the missing. 

When Dole arrived at Leavenworth the latter part 
of January, representatives of the loyal Indians inter- 
viewed him and received assurances, honest and well- 
meant at the time given, that an early return to Indian 
Territory would be made possible. Lane, likewise in- 
terviewed,"' was similarly encouraging and had every 
reason to be; for was not his Indian brigade in process 
of formation? Much cheered and even exhilarated in 
spirit, the Indians went away to endure and to wait. 
They had great confidence in Lane's power to accom- 
plish; but, as the days and the weeks passed and he did 
not come, they grew tired of waiting. The waiting 

vativfy published April i6, i86a» gives, besides a rather gruesome account 
of their diseases, some interesting details of their camp life. 

^*^On their division into tribal encampments, see Kile to Dole, April 
10, 1862 [Indian Office General Files, Southern Superintendency, 1859-1863, 
K119 of i86a]. 

i^They had their interview with Lane at the Planters' House while 
they were awaiting the arrival of Dole. Opoeth-le-yo-ho-Ia (Crazy Dog) 
and a Seminole chief, Aluktustenuke (Major Potatoes) were among them 
IDaily Conservative, January 28, February 8, 1862]. 



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Portrait of Colonel W. A. Phillips 



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Organization of the First Expedition 95 

seemed so hopeless to them miserable, so endlessly long. 
Primitive as they were, they simply could not under- 
stand why the agents of a great government could not 
movp more expeditiously. The political and military 
aspects of the undertaking, involved in their return 
home, were unknown to them and, if known, would have 
been uncomprehended. Then, too, the vacillation of 
the government puzzled them. They became suspi- 
cious ; for they had become acquainted, through the ex- 
perience of long years, with the white man's bad faith 
and they had nothing to go upon that would counteract 
the influence of earlier distrust. And so it happened, 
that, as the weary days passed and Lane's brigade did 
not materialize, every grievance that loomed up before 
them took the shape of a disappointed longing for home. 
So poignant was their grief at the continued delay 
that they despaired of ever getting the help promised 
and began to consider how they could contrive a return 
for themselves. And yet, quite independent of Lane's 
brigade, there had been more than one movement in- 
itiated in their behalf. The desire to recover lost 
ground in Indian Territory, under the pretext of re- 
storing the fugitives, aroused the fighting instinct of 
many young men in southern Kansas and several irreg- 
ular expeditions were projected.*** Needless to say they 
came to nothing. In point of fact, they never really 
developed, but died almost with the thought. There 
was no adequate equipment for them and the longer the 
delay, the more necessary became equipment; because 
after the Battle of Pea Ridge, Pike's brigade had been 
set free to operate, if it so willed, on the Indian Terri- 
tory border. 

^**Id addition to those referred to in documents already cited, the one» 
projected by Coflin's son and a Captain Brooks, is noteworthy. It is described 
in a letter from Coffin to Dole, March 24, 186a. 



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96 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Closely following upon the Federal success of March 
6 to 8, came numerous changes and readjustments in the 
Missouri-Kansas commands ; but they were not so much 
the result of that success as they were a part of the gen- 
eral reorganization that was taking place in the Federal 
service incident to the more efficient war administra- 
tion of Secretary Stanton. By order of March 1 1 , three 
military departments were arranged for, the Depart- 
ment of the Potomac under McClellan, that of the 
Mountain under Fremont, and that of the Mississippi 
under Halleck. The consolidation of Hunter's Depart- 
ment of Kansas with Halleck's Department of Missouri 
was thus provided for and had long been a consumma- 
tion devoutly to be wished."^ Both were naturally 
parts of the same organic whole when regarded from a 
military point of view. Neither could be operated 
upon independently of the other. Moreover, both 
were infested by political vultures. In both, the army 
discipline was, in consequence, bad; that is, if it could 
be said to be in existence at all. If anything, Kansas 
was in a worse state than Missouri. Her condition, as 
far as the military forces were concerned, had not much 
improved since Hunter first took command and it was 
then about the worst that could possibly be imagined. 
Major Halpine's description "• of it, made by him in 
his capacity as assistant adjutant-general, officially to 
Halleck, is anything but flattering. Hunter was prob- 
ably well rid of his job and Halleck, whom Lincoln 
much admired because he was "wholly for the ser- 
vice," *•• had asked for the entire command.*^ 

^*' Halleck, however, had not desired the inclusion of Kansas in the 
contennplated new department because he thought that state had only a re- 
mote connection with present operations. 

^^^ Official Records, vol. viii, 6x5-617. 

*•• Thayer, Life and Letters of John Hay, vol. i, x27-xa8. 

««• Badeau, Military History of U, S. Grant, vol. i, 53, footnote. 



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Organization of the First Expedition 97 

Halleck's plans for remodeling the constituent ele- 
ments of his department were made with a thorough 
comprehension of the difficulties confronting him. It 
is not surprising that they brought General Denver 
again to the fore. Hunter's troubles had been bred by 
local politics. That Halleck well knew; but he also 
knew that Indian relations were a source of perplexity 
and that there was no enemy actually in Kansas and no 
enemy worth considering that would threaten her, pro- 
vided her own jay-hawking hordes could be suppressed. 
Her problems were chiefly administrative.*** For the 
work to be done, Denver seemed the fittest man avail- 
able and, on the nineteenth, he, having previously been 
ordered to report to Halleck for duty,*®* was assigned"' 
to the command of a newly-constituted District of Kan- 
sas, from which the troops,*** who were guarding the 
only real danger zone, the southeastern part of the 
state, were expressly excluded. The hydra-headed evil 
of the western world then asserted itself, the meddling, 
particularistic spoils system, with the result that Lane 
and Pomeroy, unceasingly vigilant whenever and wher- 
ever what they regarded as their preserves were likely 
to be encroached upon, went to President Lincoln and 
protested against the preferment of Denver.**' Lin- 
coln weakly yielded and wired to Halleck to suspend 

«w Halleck to Stanton, March 28, 186a, Oficial Records, vol. viii, 647-648. 

2oi_/^,V., 61a. 

toi^jtid., 83a. 

*^ Those troops, about five thousand, were left under the command of 
George W. Deitzler, colonel of the First Kansas (ibid., 614), a man who 
had become prominent before the war in connection with the Sharpens rifles 
episode (Spring, Kansas, 60) and whose appointment as an Indian agent, ear- 
ly in 1861, had been successfully opposed by Lane (Robinson, Kansas Conflict, 
458). There will be other occasions to refer to him in this narrative. He 
is believed to have held the secret that induced Lane to commit suicide in 
1866 [ibid,, 457-460]. 

*<^ Stanton to Halleck, March 26, 1862 [Oficial Records, vol. liii, sup- 
plement, 516]. 



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98 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

the order for Denver's assignment to duty until further 
notice.*^ Stanton, to whom Halleck applied *^^ for an 
explanation, deprecated*^' the political interference of 
the Kansas senators and the influence it had had with 
the chief executive, but he, too, had to give way. So 
effective was the Lane-Pomeroy objection to Denver 
that even a temporary ***• appointment of him, resorted "* 
to by Halleck because of the urgent need of some sort 
of a commander in Kansas, was deplored by the presi- 
dent.*" Denver was then sent to the place where his 
abilities and his experience would be better appreciated, 
to the southernmost part of the state, the hinterland of 
the whole Indian country.*" Ofllicial indecision and 
personal envy pursued him even there, however, and it 
was not long before he was called eastward.*" The man 
who succeeded him in command of the District of Kan- 
sas*" was one who proved to be his ranking officer*" 
and his rival. Brigadier-general S. D. Sturgis. Blunt 
succeeded him at Fort Scott. 

^^ Lincoln to Halleck, March ai, i86a, Offictai Records, vol. liii, tupple- 
ment, 516. 

>ov Halleck to Stanton, March 26, i86a, ibid, 

MS «i>eprecated'* is, perhaps, too mild a word to describe Stanton's feel- 
ing in the matter. Adjutant-general Hitchcock is authority for the statement 
that Stanton threatened ''to leave the office" should the ''enforcement" of any 
such order, meaning the non-assignment of Denver and the appointment of 
a man named Davis [Davies?], believed by Robinson to be a relative of 
Lane [Kansas Conflict, 446], be attempted [Hitchcock to Halleck, March aa, 
i86a, Oficial Records, vol. viii, 831-833]. 

209 — Ibid,, vol. liii, supplement, 519. 

*^^-^Ibid., vol. viii, 647-648. 

211 — Ibid,, vol. liii, supplement, 519. 

*^* Concerning the work, mapped out for Denver, see Halleck to Sturgis, 
April 6, x86a [Oficial Records, vol. viii, 668] and Halleck to Stanton, April 
7, i86a [ibid,, 67a]. 

sis^ay 14, i86a [ibid,, vol. lii, part i, supplement, 249]. 

S14 — Ibid,, vol. liii, supplement; 520. 

216 «it I9 stated that the commission of Gen. Sturgis is dated April 10 
and that of Gen. Denver Aug. 14 and consequently Gen. Sturgis is the rank- 
ing officer in this military District." — Ddty Conservative, April xo, x86a. 



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Organization of the First Expedition 99 

The elimination of Kansas as a separate department 
marked the revival of interest in an Indian expedition. 
The cost of supporting so huge a body of refugees had 
really become a serious proposition and, as Colonel C. 
R. Jennison*" had once remarked, it would be economy 
to enlist them.*" Congress had provided^that certain 
Indian annuity money might .be^diycu:tedjp..thcir,main-. 
Jenancc^"JJbut.£haJLfundj^ practically exhausted ber. . 
fore the middle pf Maxcb-^Jj^^As already observed, the 
refugees very much wished to assist in the recovery of 
Indian Territory."** In fact they were determined to 
go south if the army went and their disappointment was 
likely to be most keen in the event of its and their not 
going.*" It was under circumstances such as these that 
Commissioner Dole recommended to Secretary Smith, 
March 13, 1862, that he 

Procure an order from the War Department detailing two 
Regiment of Volunteers from Kansas to go with the Indians 
to their homes and to remain there for their protection as long 
(as) may be necessary, also to furnish two thousand stand of 
arms and ammunition to be placed in the hands of the loyal 
Indians. 

Dole's unmistakable earnestness carried the day. 
Within less than a week there had been promised"* 
him all that he had asked for and more, an expedition- 

*^« JeDDison, to says the Daily Cotuervative, March 35, i86a, had been 
ordered with the First Cavalry to repair to Humboldt at the time the Indian 
Expedition was under consideration the first of the year and was brevetted 
acting brigadier for the purpose of furthering Dole's intentions. 

*^^ Daily Conservativg^ February 18, i86a. 

*^* Congrtssional Ghbt, 37th congress, second session^ part l, 835, 878. 

>^*Dole to Smith, March 13, 1862 [Indian OflBce Report Book, no. la, 

*><» Coffin to Dole, March 3, i86a [f^u/., Consolidated Files, Southern 
Superintendency^ C 1544 of i86a; Letters Registered^ na 58]. 
^^^ Daily Conservative, March 5, 1862. 
*s* Conunissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1Z62, 148. 



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lOO The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

ary force of two white regiments and two*" thousand 
Indians, appropriately armed. To expedite matters 
and to obviate any difficulties that might otherwise 
beset the carrying out of the plan, a semi-confidential 
agent, on detail from the Indian Office, was sent west 
with despatches"* to Halleck and with an order*" from 
the Ordnance Department for the delivery, at Fort 
Leavenworth, of the requisite arms. The messenger 
was Judge James Steele, who, upon reaching St. Louis, 
had already discouraging news to report to Dole. He 
had interviewed Halleck and had found him in any- 
thing but a helpful mood, notwithstanding that he must, 
by that time, have received and reflected upon the fol- 
lowing communication from the War Department: 

War Department, 
Washington City, D. C, March 19, 1862. 
Maj. Gen. H. W. Halleck, 

Commanding the Department of Mississippi: 
General: It is the desire of the President, on the applica- 
tion of the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs, that you should detail two regiments to act in 
the Indian country, with a view to open the way for the friend- 
ly Indians who are now refugees in Southern Kansas to return 
to their homes and[ to protect them there. Five thousand 
friendly Indians will also be armed to aid in their own pro- 
tection, and you will please furnish them with necessary sub- 
sistence. 

Please report your action in the premises to this Department. 
Prompt action is necessary. 

By order of the Secretary of War: 

L. Thomas, Adjutant-generaL**^ 

''*Two thousand wat most certainly the number, although the commu- 
nication from the War Department gives it at five. 

>>* Dole to Halleck, March ai, 1863 [Indian Office Letter Book, no. 67, 
516-517]. 

tt^^lbid., 517-518. 

^^^Oficial Records, vol. viii, 634-^15. 



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Organization of the First Expedition loi 

Steele inferred from what passed at the interview 
with Halleck that the commanding general was decid- 
edly opposed to arming Indians, Steele found him 
also non-committal as to when the auxiliary force would 
be available,'" Dole's letter, with its seeming dictation 
as to the choice of a commander for the expedition, may 
not have been to Halleck's liking. 'He was himself at 
the moment most interested in the suppression of guer- 
rillas and jayhawkers, against whom sentence of out- 
lawry had just been passed. As it happened, that was 
the work in which Dole's nominee. Colonel Robert B. 
Mitchell,"* was to render such signal service"* and, 
anticipating as much, Halleck may have objected to his 
being thought of for other things. Furthermore, Dole 
had no right to so much as cast a doubt upon Halleck's 
own ability to select a proper commander. 

A little perplexed but not at all daunted by Halleck's 
lack of cordiality, Steele proceeded on his journey and, 
arriving at Leavenworth, presented his credentials to 
Captain McNutt, who was in charge of the arsenal. 
Four hundred Indian rifles were at hand, ready for 
him, and others expected,*** What to do next, was the 
question? Should he go on to Leroy and trust to the 
auxiliary force's showing up in season or wait for it? 
The principal part of his mission was yet to be executed. 
The Indians had to be enrolled and everything got in 
train for their expedition southward. Their homes 

ssY Steele to Dole, March 17, 1861 [Indian Office General Filet, Southern 
SuperinUmUncy, 1859-1862, S537 of t86i]. 

*s* Robert B. Mitchell wat colonel, iirtt of the Second Kantat Infantry, 
then of the Second Kantat Cavalry. He raited the former, in antwer to 
President Lincoln's firtt call, 1861 [Crawford, Kansas in the SixtUs, ao], 
chiefly in Linn County, and the latter in 1861. 

**• Connelley, Quantrill and the Border Wars^ 136 ff. 

*^ Steele to Dole, March 26, 1862 [Indian Office General Filet, Southern 
Superintendency, 1859-1862]. 



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102 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

once recovered, they were to be left in such shape as 
to be able to "protect and defend themselves."*" 

Halleck's preoccupation, prejudice, or whatever it 
was that prevented him from giving any satisfaction 
to Steele soon yielded, as all things sooner or later must, 
to necessity; but not to the extent of sanctioning the 
employment of Indians in warfare except as against 
other "Indians or in defense of their own territory and 
homes." The Pea Ridge atrocities were probably still 
fresh in his mind. On the fifth of April, he instruct- 
ed *" General Denver with a view to advancing, at last, 
the organization of the Indian expedition and Denver, 
Coffin, and Steele forthwith exerted all their energies 
in cooperating effort."* Some time was spent in in- 
specting arms"* but, on the eighth, enough for two 
thousand Indians went forward in the direction of Le- 
roy and Humboldt*" and on the sixteenth were deliv- 
ered to the superintendent.*" Coffin surmised that 
new complications would arise as soon as the distribu- 
tion began ; for all the Indians, whether they intended 
to enlist or not, would try to secure guns. Nothing 
had yet been said about their pay and nothing heard of 
an auxiliary force.**^ Again the question was, what, 

su Dole to Steele, March at, t86i, Indim Office Litter Book, no. 67, 
508-509. 

«»« Oficial Records, vol. viii, 665. 

sss Dole's name might well be added to this list; for he had never lost 
his interest or relaxed his efforts. On the fifth of April, he communicated 
to Secretary Smith the intelligence that he had issued instructions to "the 
officers appointed to command the two Regiments of Indians to be raised as 
Home Guard to report at Port Leavenworth to be RHistered into ser- 
vice. . .*' — Indian Office Report Book, no. ta, 357. 

**« Steele to Dole, April 7, t86i [ibid., General Piles^ Southern Super- 
intendency, 1859-1862, S 538 of 1863]. 

>** Denver to Halleck, April 8, 1862 [Ofidat Records, vol. viii, 679]. 

*** Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, 148. 

**^ "... I fear we shall have trouble in regard to the guns as many 
will take guns that will not go and whether they will give up their arms is 
doubtful. I had a long talk with Opothly - Oholo on that point and told 



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Organization of the First Expedition 103 

in the event of its not appearing, should the Indian 
agents do?*** 

The time was propitious for starting the expedition; 
for not the shadow of an enemy had been lately seen in 
the West, unless count be taken of Indians returning 
home or small roving bands of possible marauders that 
the people of all parties detested.*" But the order for 
the supplanting of Denver by Sturgis had already been 
issued, April sixth,"* and Sturgis's policy was not yet 

him you could only get aooo gunt ind you wanted every one to go md an 
Indian with it and that if any of them got guns that did not go they must 
give up their guns to those that would go but I know enough of the Indian 
character to know that it will be next thing to an impossibility to get a gun 
away from one when he once gets it and I shall put off the distribution of 
the guns till the last moment and it would be best to send them on a day or 
two before being distributed but that would make them mad and they would 
not go at all and how we are to know how many to look out for from others 
than those we have here I am not able to see but we will do all that we can 
hut you may look out for dificulty in the matter they- all seem anxious 
now to go and make no objections as yet nor have they said anything about 
their pay but as they were told before when we expect them to go into the 
Hunter Lane expedition that they would get the same pay as white troops 
and set off a part of it for their families it was so indelibly impressed upon 
their minds that I fear we will have a blow up on that score when it 
comes up we hear nothing yet of any troops being ordered to this service 
and I very much fear they will put off the matter so long that there will be 
no crop raised this season. . . the mortality amongst them is great more 
since warm weather has set in than during the cold weather they fool- 
ishly physic themselves nearly to death danc [dance] all night and then 
jump into the river just at daylight to make themselves bullet proof they 
have followed this up now every night for over two weeks and it has no 
doubt caused many deaths Long Tiger the Uchee Chief and one of the 
hest amongst them died to-day -yesterday we had 7 deaths and there will 
not be less to-da/' - ComN to Dole, April 7, i86a, Indian Office General 
Files, Southern SuptrinUndincy^ 1859-1862, C 1578 of x86i. 

*'* This was the query put to Dole by Steele in a letter of the thirteenth 
of April, which acknowledged Dole's of the third and ventured the opinion 
that Postmaster-general Blair ''must be imiuting General McClellan and 
practicing strategy with the mails.*' Steele further remarked, "Gen^ Denver, 
Maj. Wright and I are in the dark as to the plans of the Indian Expedition. 
Gen. Denver thinks I should proceed at once to Leroy without waiting for 
your instructions." - Ibid.^ S 539 of i86a. 

»»• Curtis to Halleck, April 5, i86a [Oficial Records^ vol. viii, 662]. 

S40 Sturgis, upon the receipt of orders of this date, assumed command of 



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104 ^*^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

known. It soon revealed itself, however, and was hos- 
tile to the whole project that Dole had set his heart 
upon. Apparently that project, the moment it had 
been taken up by Denver, had ceased to have any inter- 
est for Lane on the score of its merits and had become 
identified with the Robinson faction in Kansas politics. 
At any rate, it was the anti-Robinson press that saw 
occasion for rejoicing in the complete removal of Den- 
ver from the scene, an event which soon took place.'" 
The relieving of Denver from the command of the 
District of Kansas inaugurated'" what contemporaries 
described as "Sturgis' military despotism,"*" in am- 
plification of which it is enough to say that it attempted 
the utter confounding, if not the annihilation, of the 
Indian Expedition, a truly noble undertaking to be 
sure, considering how much was hoped for from that 
expedition, how much of benefit and measure of justice 
to a helpless, homeless, impoverished people and con- 
sidering, also, how much of time and thought and 

the District of Kin8it;.but DcDver was not called east until the fourteenth 
of May. On the twenty-firtt of April, it wat still expected that he would lead 
an expedition "down the borders of Arkansas into the Indian country." 
[Kelton to Curtis, April ax, x863, ihid,^ vol. xiii, 364]. 

*^^The Ddly Conservative, for instance, rejoiced over this telegram 
from Sidney Clark of May a, which gave advanced information of Den- 
ver's approaching departure: "Conservative: The Department of Kansas 
is reinstated. Gen. Blunt takes command. Denver reports to Halleck; 
Sturgis here." The newspaper comment was, "We firmly believe that a 
prolongation of the Denver-Sturgis political generalship, aided as it was by 
the corrupt Governor of this State, would have led to a revolution in Kan- 
sas . . ,^ -Daily Conservative, May 6, 1863. 

*** General Sturgis assumed command, April to, 1862 [Official Records, 
vol. viii, 683], and Denver took temporary charge at Port Scott [ibid., 668]. 

s«s Quoted from the Daily Conservative of May ao; but not with the 
Idea of subscribing thereby to any verdict that would bear the implica- 
tion that all of Sturgis's measures were arbitrary and wrong. Something 
strenuous was needed in Kansas. The arrest of Jennison and of Hoyt 
[ibid,, April 19, 33, 1862] because of their too radical anti-slavery actions 
was justifiable. Jennison had disorganized his regiment in a shameful man- 
ner [ibid,, June 3, 1862]. 



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Organization of the First Expedition 105 

energy, not to mention money, had already been ex- 
pended upon it. 

Sturgis's policy with reference to the Indian Expedi- 
tion was initiated by an order,*** of April 25, which 
gained circulation as purporting to be in conform- 
ity with instructions from the headquarters of the 
Department of the Mississippi, although in itself ema- 
nating from those of the District of Kansas. It put a 
summary stop to the enlistment of Indians and threat- 
ened with arrest anyone who should disobey its man- 
date. Superintendent Coffin, in his inimitable illiter- 
acy, at once entered protest*" against it and coolly in- 
formed Sturgis that, in enrolling Indians for service, 
he was acting under the authority, not of the War, but 
of the Interior Department. At the same sitting, he 
applied to Commissioner Dole for new instructions."* 

*** Official Records^ vol. xiii, 365. . 

*^' Lb Roy Coffeb Countt, Kansas, April 29th 1863. 

BRia Gbnl S. D. Sturgis, Fort Leayenworth KaDtat 

Dear Sir: A Special Messenger arrived here last night from Port 
Leavenworth with your orders Now 8 and contents noted. I would 
most respectfully inform you that I am acting under the controle and 
directions of the Interior and not of the War Department I have 
been endeavoring to the best of my humble ability to carry out the 
instructions and wishes of that Department, all of which I hope will 
meet 3rour aprobation. 

Your Messenger reports himself Straped, that no funds were fur- 
nished him to pay his expenses, that he had to beg his way down here. 
I have paid his bill here and furnished him with five dollars to pay 
his way back. Very respectfully your Obedient Servant « 

W. G. Coffin, Supt of Indian Affairs^ Southern Superintendency. 

[Indian Office Special Files, no. aoi. Southern SupirinUndincy^ C 16x1 of 

x86a]. 

**• Lbrot Coffbt Co., Kansas, April 29th, 1862. 

Sot: Enclosed please find a communication from Brigadier General 
Sturgis in regard to the organising of the Indians and my reply to 
the same, the officers are here, or at least four of them. Col Furnace 
Agutant Elithurp Lieutenant Wattles and Agutant Dole I need 
scarcely say to you that we shall continue to act under your Instruc- 
tions til further orders, the Officers above alluded to have been un- 
tiring in their efforts to get acquainted with and get the permanent 



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io6 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Colonel John Ritchie"^ of the inchoate Second Regi- 
ment Indian Home Guards did the same,*** 

The reestablishment*** of the Department of Kansas, 
at this critical moment, while much to be regretted as 
indicative of a surrender to politicians "® and an aban- 
donment of the idea, so fundamentally conducive to 
military success, that all parts must contribute to the 
good of the whole, had one thing to commend it, it re- 
stored vigor to the Indian Expedition. The depart- 
ment was reestablished, under orders *" of May second, 
with James G. Blunt in command. He entered upon 
his duties. May fifth, and on that selfsame day author- 
ized the issue of the following most significant instruc- 
tions, in toto, a direct countermand of all that Sturgis 
had most prominently stood for: 

orgiDizition of the Indimt under wiy ind have mide a fine im- 
prettion upon thena, and I should very much regret any failure to carry 
out the programe at they have been allready so often disappointed 
that they have become suspicious and it all has a tendency to lessen 
their confidence in us and to greatly increase our dificulties All of 
which is most Respectfully Submitted by your obedient Servant 

W G COPHN, Supt of Indian AflFairs. 
[Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Southern SuperiuUndency, C1611 of 
i86a]. 

>*Y For an inferential appraisement of Ritchie's character and abilities, 
see Kansas Historical Collections, vol. iii, 359-366. 

*^ Ritchie to Dole, April 26, 1862 [Indian Office Miscellaneous Files, 
1858-1863]. 

>**The reSstablishment, considered in the light of the first orders issued 
by Blunt, those set out here, was decidedly in the nature of a reflection upon 
the reactionary policy of Halleck and Sturgis; but Halleck had no regrets. 
Of Kansas, he said, "Thank God, it is no longer under my command." 
[Official Records, vol. xiii, 440.] Ever since the time, when he had been 
urged by the administration in Washington, peculiarly sensitive to political 
importunities, not to retain, outside of Kansas, the Kansas troops if he could 
possibly avoid it, there had been more or less of rancor between him and 
thenL His opinion of them was that they were a "humbug" [ibid,, vol. viii, 
661]. 

*'<> Almost simultaneously, Schofield was given independent command in 
Missouri, a similar surrender to local political pressure. 
"^ Official Records, vol. xiii, 368-369. 



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Organization of the First Expedition 107 

General Orders, Hdqrs. Dbpartmbnt of Kansas, 

No. 2. Fort Leavenworth, Kans., May 5, 1862. 

L General Orders, No. 8, dated Headquarters District of 
Kansas, April 25, 1862, is hereby rescinded. 

II. The instructions issued by the Department at Wash- 
ington to the colonels of the two Indian regiments ordered to 
be raised will be fully carried out, and the regiments will be 
raised with all possible speed. 

By order of Brig. Gen. James G. Blunt,*** 

Thos. Moonught, Captain 
and Assistant Adjutant-general.^^ 

The full extent, not only of Sturgis's failure to coop- 
erate with the Indian Office, but also of his intention 
utterly to block the organization of the Indian Expedi- 
tion, is revealed in a letter"* from Robert W. Furnas, 
colonel commanding the First Regiment Indian Home 
Guards, to Dole, May 4, 1862. That letter best ex- 
plains itself. It was written from Leroy, Kansas, and 
reads thus: 

Disclaiming any idea of violating "Regulations" by an 
"Offidal Report" to you, permit me to communicate certain 
facts extremely embarrassing, which surround the Indian Ex- 
pedition. 

In compliance with your order of Ap' 5th. I reported my- 
self "forthwith" to the U. S. mustering officer at Ft. Leaven- 
worth and was "mustered into the service" on the. 1 8th. of 
April. I "awaited the orders from Gen' Halleck" as directed 
but rec'd none. On the 20th. Ap' I rec'd detailed instruc- 

**'The promotion of Blunt to a brigadier-generalthip had caused sur- 
prise and some opposition. Referring to it, the Daily ConsirvoHve, April 
la, tS6a, said, "Less than three months ago Mr. Lincoln informed a gentle- 
man from this State that no Kansas man would be made a Brigadier Sinless 
the Kansas Congressional delegation was unanimously and strenuously in his 
favor* . . . Either the President has totally changed his policy or Lane, 
Pomeroy and Conway are responsible for this most unexpected and unprece- 
dented appointment. . ." 

*^^ Official Records, vol. xiii, 37a 

**^ Indian Office General Files, Southern Superiutendency, 1859-1862, 
F363 of x86a. 



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io8 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

tions from Adjt Gen* Thomas, authorizing mc to proceed and 
raise "from the loyal Indians now in Kansas a Regiment of 
Infantry." I immediately repaired to this place and in a very 
few days enrolled a sufficient number of Indians to form a 
minimum**' Regiment. I am particularly indebted to the 
Agts. Maj. Cutler of the Creeb and Maj. Snow of the 
Seminoles, for their valuable services. Immediately after the 
enrolling, and in compliance with my instructions from Adjt. 
Gen' Thomas, I notified Lieut. Chas. S. Bowman U. S. mus- 
tering officer at Ft. Leavenworth of the fact, to which I have 
rec'd no answer. 

At this point in my procedure a special messenger from 
Gen' Sturgis reached this place with a copy of his "Order 
No. 8," a copy of which I herewith send you. On the next 
day Maj. Minor in command at lola, Kansas, and who had 
been furnished with a copy of General Sturgis' "Order" came 
with a company of Cavalry to this place "to look into mat- 
ters." I showed him my authority, and informed him what 
I had done. He made no arrest, seeming utterly at a loss to 
understand the seemingly confused state of affairs. Whether 
Gen' Sturgis will on the reception of my notice at the Fort 
arrest me, or not, I know not. I have gone to the limits of 
my instructions and deem it, if not my duty, prudent at least 
to notify you of the condition of affairs, that you may be the 
better enabled to remove obstacles, that the design of the De- 
partment may be fully and promptly executed. . .*•• 



- **' The regiment, according to the showing of the RHitter roll, comprised 
one thousand nine men. Fifteen hundred was the more usual number of a 
regiment, which, normally, had three battalions with a major at the head 
of each. 

***The remainder of the letter deals with the muster roll of the First 
Regiment Indian Home Guards, which was forwarded to Dole, under sep- 
arate cover, the same day, and of which Dole acknowledged the receipt. 
May t6, t86i [Indian Office Letter Book, no. 68, pp. 240-341]. The roll 
shows the captain and number of each company as here: 

Company A. Billy Bowlegs 106 

" B A-ha-luk-tus-ta-na-ke xoo 

" C .Tus-te-nu-ke-ema-ela 104 

** D Tus-te-nuk-ke too 

** E Jon-neh (John) xoi 

« F. Mic-co-hut-ka (White Chief) 103 

" G. Ah-pi-noh-to-me 103 



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Organization of the F irst Expedition 109 

It soon developed that General Halleck had been 
equally at fault in disregarding the wishes of the gov- 
ernment with respect to the mustering in of the loyal 
Indians. He had neglected to send on to Kansas the 
instructions which he himself had received from Wash- 
ington."' It was incumbent, therefore, upon Blunt to 
ask for new. He had found the enlisted Indians with 
no arms, except guns, no shot pouches, no powder horns, 
although they were attempting to supply themselves as 
best they could.*** Blunt thought they ought to be 
furnished with sheath, or bowie, knives; but the In- 
dian Office had no funds for such a purpose.*** The new 
instructions, when they came, were found to differ in no 
particular from those which had formerly been issued. 
The Indian Home Guards were to constitute an irreg- 
ular force and were to be supported by such white 
troops, as Blunt should think necessary. They were to 
be supplied with transportation and subsistence and 
Blunt was to "designate the general to command.'' 
Blunt's own appointment was expected to remove all 
difficulties that had stood in the way of the Indian Ex- 
pedition while under the control of Halleck.*** On 

Company H Lo-ga-po-koh 94 

** I Jan-neh (John) 100 

" J Lo-ka-la-chi-ha-go 98 

s*T Coffin to Dole, May t, 1862, Indian Office General Filet, Southern 
SttPeriutendeucy, 1859-1862. 

***Same to Same, May 13, t86a, ibid^ Land Files, Southern Superintend' 
^<y» i855-i87a 

*** Dole to Coffin, May ao, i86a, ibid,. Letter Book, no. 68, p. 153. 

*^1 visited the War Department today to ascertain what orders had 
been forwarded to you and your predecessor relative to the organization of 
two thousand Indians as a home guard, which when so organized would 
proceed to their homes in the Indian country in company with a sufficient 
number of white troops to protect them at their homes. 

"I learn from Adjutant General Thomas that all necessary orders have 
been forwarded to enable 3rou to muster these Indian Regiments into the 
service as an irregular force; and to send such white force with them as 



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I lo The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



May 8 came the order from Adjutant-general Thomas, 
"Hurry up the organization and departure of the two 
Indian regiments,""' which indicated that there was 
no longer any question as to endorsement by the De- 
partment of War. 

As a matter of fact, the need for hurry was occasion- 
ed by the activity of secessionists, Indians and white 
men, in southwest Missouri, which would, of itself, sug- 
gest the inquiry as to what the Indian allies of the Con- 
federacy had been about since the Battle of Pea Ridge. 
Van Dorn had ordered them to retire towards their 
own country and, while incidentally protecting it, af- 
ford assistance to their white ally by harassing the 
enemy, cutting off his supply trains, and annoying him 
generally. The order had been rigidly attended to and 
the Indians had done their fair share of the irregular 
warfare that terrorized and desolated the border in the 
late spring of the second year of the war. Not all of 
them, regularly enlisted, had participated in it, how- 
ever; for General Pike had, with a considerable part 
of his brigade, gone away from the border as far as pos- 
sible and had intrenched himself at a fort of his own 
planning. Fort McCuUoch, in the Choctaw Nation, on 
the Blue River, a branch of the Red."* Furthermore, 

in jour judgmcDt may be deemed necestary, also that the difficulties we ex- 
perienced while the expedition was under the control of Gen^ Halleck are 
now removed by your appointment, and that you will designate the general 
to command the whole expedition and see that such supplies for the trans- 
portation and subsistence as may be necessary are furnished to the whole 
expedition (Indians as well as whites). Lieut. Kile informs me that there 
was doubt whether the Quarter Master would be expected to act as Com- 
missary for the Regiment I suppose that you fully understand this was the 
intention. . ."-Dole to Blunt, May i6, 1862, Indian Office Letter Book, 
no. 68, pp. 241-242. 

**^ Daily Conservative, May 9, 1862. 

*«> ". . . General Albert Pike retreated from the battle of Pea Ridge, 
Arkansas, a distance of 250 miles, and left his new-made wards to the mercy 



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Organization of the First Expedition in 

Colonel Drew and his men, later converts to secession- 
ism, had, for a good part of the time, contented them- 
selves with guarding the Cherokee Nation,"* thus leav- 
ing Colonel Cooper and Colonel Stand Watie, with 
their commands, to do most of the scouting and skir- 

of war, stringing hit army along through the Cherokee, Creek and Choctaw 
Nations, passing through Limestone Gap, on among the Boggies, and halted 
at Carriage Point, on the Blue, 'away down along the Chickasaw line.' 
Cherokee Knights of the Golden Circle followed Pike's retreat to Tex- 
as. . ."-Rosa, Life and Times of Hon, William P. Ross, p. viii. 

'** These two letters from John Ross are offered in evidence of this. 
They are taken from Indian Office Miscellaneous Files, John Ross Papers: 
(a) ExECunvB Department, Park Hill, March 21st, 1863. 

Sir: I am in receipt of your favor of the 23 rd. inst I have no 
doubt that forage can be procured for Col. Drew*» men in this vicin- 
ity by hauling it in from the farms of the surrounding Districts. The 
subject of a Delegate in Congress shall be attended to so soon as ar- 
rangements can be made for holding an election. I am happy to learn 
that Col. Drew has been authorized to furlough a portion of the men 
in his Regiment to raise com. I shall endeavor to be correctly in- 
formed of the movements of the enemy and advise you of the same. 
And I shall be gratified to receive any important information that 
you may have to conununicate at all times. I am very respectfully and 
truly. Yours, etc. John Ross, Prin^ Ckief, Cherokee Nation, 

(b). Executive Department, C.N. Park Hill^ April xoth, 1862. 

Sir: I beg leave to thank you for your kind response to my letter 
of the 22nd ulto and your order stationing Col. Drew's Regiment in 
this vicinity. Though much reduced by furloughs in number it will 
be useful for the particular purposes for which it was ordered here. 
The unprotected condition of the country however is a source of 
general anxiety among the People, who feel that they are liable to be 
overrun at any time by small parties from the U.S. Army which re- 
mains in the vicinity of the late Battle Ground. This is more particu- 
larly the case since the removal of the Confederate Forces under your 
command and those under Major Gen' Price. Without distrusting 
the wisdom that has prompted these movements, or the manifestation of 
any desire on my part to enquire into their policy it will be neverthe- 
less a source of satisfaction to be able to assure the people of the 
country that protection will not be withheld from them and that they 
will not be left to their own feeble defense. Your response is re- 
spectfully requested, I have the honor to be Sir with high regards, 
Your Obt Servt John Ross, PnV Chiefs Cherokee Nation. 

To Brig. Gen* A. Pike Com««, 

Department Indian Territory, Head Qrs. Choctaw Nation. 



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112 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

mishing. So kindly did the Indians take to that work 
that Colonel Cooper recommended"* their employ- 
ment as out-and-out guerrillas. That was on May 
6 and was probably suggested by the fact that, on April 
21, the Confederate government had definitely author- 
ized the use of partisan rangers.*** A good understand- 
ing of Indian military activity, at this particular time, 
is afforded by General Pike's report"* of May 4, 

. • • The Cherokee**^ and Creek troops are in their 
respective countries. The Choctaw troops are in front of me, 
in their country, part on this side of Boggy and part at Little 
Boggy, 34 miles from here. These observe the roads to Fort 
Smith and by Perryville toward Fort Gibson. Part of the 
Chickasaw battalion is sent to Camp Mcintosh, 11 miles this 
side of the Wichita Agency, and part to Fort Arbuckle, and 
the Texan company is at Fort Cobb. 

I have ordered Lieutenant-colonel Jumper with his Semi- 
noles to march to and take Fort Larned, on the Pawnee Fork 
of the Arkansas, where are considerable stores and a little gar- 
rison. He will go as soon as their annuity is paid. 

The Creeks under Colonel Mcintosh are about to make an 
extended scout westward. Stand Watie, with his Cherokees, 
scouts along the whole northern line of the Cherokee country 
from Grand Saline to Marysville, and sends me information 
continually of every movement of the enemy in Kansas and 
Southwestern Missouri. 

The Comanches, Kiowas, and Reserve Indians are all peace- 
able and quiet. Some 2,000 of the former are encamped about 
three days' ride from Fort Cobb, and some of them come in at 
intervab to procure provisions. They have sent to me to know 

*** Cooper to Van Dora, May 6, i86a, Official Records^ vol. xiii, 813-824. 

^^^ Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States, vol. v, 385. 

••• Official Records, vol. xiii, 819-823. 

'^^This situation, so eminently satisfactory to John Ross, did not con- 
tinue long, however, and on May xo^ the Cherokee Principal Chief had oc- 
casion to complain that his country had been practically divested of a protect- 
ing force and, at the very moment, too, when the Federals were showing 
unwonted vigor near the northeastera border pf^oss to Davis, May xo^ i%62p 
Official Records, vol. xiii, 824-825]. 



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Organization of the First Expedition 113 

if they can be allowed to send a strong party and capture any 
trains on their way from Kansas to New Mexico, to which I 
have no objection. To go on the war-path somewhere else is 
the best way to keep them from troubling Texas. • • 

Stand Watic's scouting had brought him, April 
26,*^ into a slight action with men of the First Bat- 
talion First Missouri Cavalry at Neosho, in the vicin- 
ity of which place he lingered many days and where 
his men*'* again fought, in conjunction with Colonel 
Coffee's, May 31.*^® The skirmish of the later date 
was disastrous to the Federals under Colonel John M. 
Richardson of the Fourteenth Missouri State Mili- 
tia Cavalry and proved to be a case where the wily and 
nimble Indian had taken the Anglo-Saxon completely 
by surprise.*" From Neosho, Stand Watie moved 
down, by slow and destructive stages, through Missouri 
and across into Indian Territory. His next important 
engagement was at Cowskin Prairie, June 6. 

Meanwhile, the organization of the Indian Expedi- 
tion, or Indian Home Guard, as it was henceforth most 
commonly styled, was proceeding apace,"* The com- 

^^Oficial Records^ voL ziil, 61-63; Britton, Cwl War on the Border, 
vol. i, aS 1-183. 

*** Stand Watie't whole force was not engaged and he, personally, was 
not present Captain Parks led Watie's contingent and was joined by Coffee. 
*^® Oficial Records, vol. xiii, 90-91, 94-95. 

sri — Ibid,, 93-94, 409. Watie, although not present, seems to have 
planned the affair [ibid,, 95]. Lieutenant-colonel Mills, who reported upon 
the Neosho engagement, was of the opinion that "the precipitate flight" of 
the Federals could be accounted for only upon the supposition that the 
"screaming and whooping of the Indians" unnerved them and "rendered 
their untrained horses nearly unmanageable." -/^ti^ 93. 

*^*The progress in organization is indicated by these communications to 
the Indian Office: 

(a). The enrollment, orfi^nizing etc. etc of the Indians, and prep- 
arations for their departure, are progressing satisfactorily, though as 
I anticipated, it will be difficult to raise two Regiments, and I have 
some fears of our success in getting the full number for the and Regi- 
ment But if we get one full company of Delawares and Shawnees, 



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114 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

pletion of the first regiment gave little concern. It was 
composed of Creeks and Seminoles, eight companies of 
the former and two of the latter. The second regiment 
was miscellaneous in its composition and took longer to 

at promited, tod four compiniet of Otaget, which the chiefs tay they 
can raise, I think we shall succeed. 

Two Regiments of white troops and Rabb's Battery have already 
started and are down by this time in the Cherokee Nation. Col. 
Doubleday, who is in command, has notified the officers here to pre- 
pare with all possible despatch, for marching orders. We are look- 
ing for Aliens Battery here this week and if it comes I hope to make 
considerable addition to the Army from the loyal Refugee Indians 
here, as they have great confidence in **thim waggons that shoot," this 
has been a point with them all the time. 

We were still feeding those that are mustered in and shall I sup- 
pose have to do so until the requisitions arive. The Dellawares and 
Shaw-nees also, I had to make arrangements to feed from the time 
of their arrival at the Sac and Fox Agency. But from all the indi- 
cations now we expect to see the whole Expedition off in ten days or 
two weeks. -CoFRN to Dole, June 4, 1862, Indian Office General 
Files, Southern Suptrintindincy, 1859-1861, C 1661. 
(b). It has been some time since I wrote you and to fill my promise 
I again drop you a line. I presume you feel a lively interest in what- 
ever relates to the Indians. The xst Regt is now mustered into the 
service and will probably to-day number something over a minimum 
Regt It is composed entirely of Creeks and Seminoles, eight com- 
panjrs of the former and two of the latter. 

I have understood that the report of the Creek Agent gave the 
number of Creek men at 1990- If this is a fact it is far from a cor- 
rect statement- The actual number of Creek men over 14 years of 
age (refugees) will not number over 900. Some of these are unable 
to be soldiers. The actual number of Seminoles (men) will not ex- 
cede 300 over 14 years of age, many of them are old and disabled as 
soldiers. Thus you will see that but one Regt could be raised from 
that quarter. You are aware that the Creeks and Seminoles speak one 
language nearly and are thus naturally drawn together and they were 
not willing to be divided. 

The second regt. is now forming from the various other tribes 
and I have no doubt will be filled, it would have been filled long 
ago, but Col. Ritchie did not repair here for a long time in fact not 
till after our Regt was raised- Adjutant Dole came here promptly 
to do his duty -but in the absence of his Col. could not facilitate his 
regt. without assuming a responsibility that would have been unwise. 
I regret that he could not have been placed in our regt for he will 
prove a faithful and reliable officer and should I be transfered to 



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Organization of the First Expedition 115 

organize, largely because its prospective commander. 
Colonel John Ritchie, who had gone south to persuade 
the Osages to enlist,*" was slow in putting in an appear- 
ance at Humboldt The Neosho Agency, to which the 
Osages belonged, was in great confusion, partly due to 

any other position which I am strongly in hopes I may be, I hope you 
will exercise your influence to transfer him to my place, this will be 
agreable to all the oflkers of the ist regiment and desirable on his 
part 

The condition of the Indians here at thie present writing is very 
favorable, sickness is abating and their spirits are reviving. I think 
I have fully settled the fact of the Indians capability and susceptibility 
to arive at a good state of military disiplin. You would be surprised 
to see our Regt move. They accomplish the feat of regular time 
step equal to any white soldier, they form in line with dispatch and 
with great precission; and what is more they now manifest a great 
desire to learn the entire white man's disiplin in militaiy matters. 
That they will make brave and ambitious soldiers I have no doubt 
Our country may well feel proud that these red men have at last 
fell into the ranks to fight for our flag, and aid in crushing treason. 
Much honor is due them. I am sory that Dr. Kile did not accept the 
appointment of Quartermaster but owing to some misunderstanding 
with CoL Ritchie he declines. 

You will please remember me to Gen^ Lane and say that I have 
not heard from him since I left Washington. - A. C. Ellithorpb to 
Dole, June 9, 1862, Indian Office General Files, Southern Superifi' 
tendency, Z859-Z862, C x66z. 

(c). The Indian Brigade, consisting of about one thousand Creeks 
and Seminoles, sixty Quapaws, sixty Cherokees and full companies 
of wild Delawares, Kechees, Ironeyes, Cadoes, and Kickapoos, left 
this place (Leroy) yesterday for Humboldt, at which place I suppose 
they will join the so much talked of Indian expedition. Although 
I have not as yet fully ascertained the exact number of each Tribe, 
represented in said Brigade, but they may be estimated at about Fifteen 
Hundred, all of the Southern Refugee Indians who have been fed here 
by the Government, besides sixty Delawares from the Delaware Reser- 
vation, and about two Hundred Osages, the latter of which I have 
been assured will be increased to about four or five hundred, ere 
they get through the Osage Nation. . . 

The news from the Cherokee Nation is very cheering and en- 
couraging; it has been reported that nearly Two Thousand Chero- 
kees will be ready to join the expedition on its approach into that 
country ... - Cofrn to Dole, June 15, z862, ibid^ C 1684. 
SYS Coffin to Dole, June 4, Z862, ibid., Neosho, C 1662 of 1862. See also 

Carnith to Coffin, September 19, 1862, Conmiissioner of Indian Aflfairs, Re* 

port, 1862, Z64-166. 



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1 16 The Indian as Part icipant in the Civil War 

the fact that, at this most untoward moment, the Osages 
were being approached for a cession of lands, and part- 
ly to the fact that Indians of the neighborhood, of 
unionist sympathies, Cherokees and Delawares"* from 
the Cherokee country, Shawnees, Quapaws,*" and Sen- 
eca-Shawnees, were being made refugees, partly, also, 
to the fact that Agent Elder and Superintendent Coffin 
were not working in harmony with each other. Their 
differences dated from the first days of their official 
relationship. Elder had been influential, for reasons 
most satisfactory to himself and not very complimen- 
tary to Coffin, in having the Neosho Agency trans- 
ferred to the Central Superintendency."* Coffin had 
vigorously objected and with such effec^t that, in«MafG^, 
1862, a retransfer had been ordered;*** but not before 
Coffin had reported "• that everythinc; was now amica- 
ble between him and Elder. Elder was evidently of a 
different opinion and before long was asking to be al- 
lowed again to report officially to Superintendent 
Branch at St. Joseph."* There was ^^ijspjlar tri-xyeek^ 
ly post between that place and Fort Scott, Elder*s 
present headquarters, and the chances were good that 
Branch would be in a position to attend to mail more 
promptly than was Coffin.*** The counter arguments 

«^* F. Johnson to Dole, April a, 1862, Indian OflBce, Central Superintend" 
ency, Delaware, J 627 of 1862. 

*^'The propriety of permitting the refugee Quapaws to ^return to their 
homes by accompanying the military expedition" was urged upon the Indian 
Office in a letter from Elder to Coffin, May 29, 1862 [Coffin to Dole, June 4, 
1862, ibid.. Southern Superintendence, Neosho, C 1663 of 1862]. 

*^« Office letter of June 5, x86i. 

"'' Mix to Branch, March x, 1862, Indian Office Letter Book, no. 67. 

SY* Coffin to Dole, February 28, 1862, ibid., General Files, Southern Su- 
perintendency, 1859-1862, 0x541 of x86a. 

*f Elder to Dole, May x6, x862, ibid., Neosho, E xo6 of x862. 

**<^ Coffin was spending a good deal of his time at Leroy. Leroy was one 
hundred twenty-five miles, so Elder computed, from Leavenworth, where he 



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Organization of the First Expedition 117 

of Coffin ••^ were equally plausible and the request for 
transfer refused. 

The outfit for the Indians of the Home Guard was 
decidedly inferior. Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la wanted batter- 
ies, "wagons that shoot." "* His braves, many of them, 
were given guns that were worthless, that would not 
shoot at all.*" In such a way was their eagerness to 
learn the white man^s method of fighting and to acquire 
his discipline rewarded. The fitting out was done at 
Humboldt, although Colonel William Weer*^ of the 
Tenth Kansas Infantry, who was the man finally se- 
lected to command the entire force, would have pre- 
ferred it done at Fort Scott*** The Indians had a 
thousand and one excuses for not expediting matters. 
They seemed to have a deep-seated distrust of what 
the Federal intentions regarding them might be when 

directed his mail, and sixty or seventy from Fort Scott His communications 
were held up until Coffin happened to go to Leavenworth. Moreover, Coffin 
was then expecting to go soon "into the Indian country." 

M^ Coffin complained that Elder neglected his duties. It was Coffin's in- 
tention to remove the headquarters of the Southern Superintendency from 
Fort Scott to Humboldt It would then be very convenient for Elder to report 
to him, especially if he would go back to his own agency headquarters and 
not linger, as he had been doing, at Fort Scott [Coffin to Dole, June lo^ i862» 
ibid., C 1668 of Z862. 

*** Daily Conservative^ May lo, 1862. 

^••Weer to Doubleday, June ^, 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 4x8; 
Coffin to Dole, June 17, 1862, Indian Office General Files, Southern Super- 
intendency, X859-X862. 

^^ Weer was one of the men in disfavor with Governor Robinson {Denlf 
Conservative, May 25, 1862]. He had been arrested and his reinstatement to 
command that came with the appearance of Blunt upon the scene was doubt- 
less the circumstance that afforded opportunity for his appointment to the 
superior command of the Indian Expedition. Sturgis had refused to reinstate 
him. In December, x86z, a leave of absence had been sought by Weer, who 
was then with the Fourth Kansas Volunteers, in order that he might go to 
Washington, D.C., and be a witness in the case involving Lane's appointment 
as brigadier-general [Thomas to Hunter, December X2, x86x. Congressional 
Globe, 37th congress, second session, part i, xaS]. 

*•» Weer to Moonlight, June 6, x862. Official Records, vol. xiii, 4x9. 



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1 18 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

once they should be back in their own country. They 
begged that some assurance be given them of continued 
protection against the foe and in their legal rights. 
And, in the days of making preparations, they asked 
again and again for tangible evidence that white troops 
were really going to support them in the journey south- 
ward. 

The main portion of the Indian Expedition auxiliary 
white force had all this time been more or less busy, 
dealing with bushwhackers and the like, in the Chero- 
kee Neutral Lands and in the adjoining counties of 
Missouri. When Blunt took command of the Depart- 
ment of Kansas, Colonel Frederick Salomon *•• of the 
Ninth Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry was in charge at 
Fort Scott and the troops there or reporting there were, 
besides eight companies of his own regiment, a part of 
the Second Ohio Cavalry under Colonel Charles Dou- 
bleday, of the Tenth Kansas Infantry under Colonel 
William F. Cloud, and the Second Indiana Battery.**^ 
Blunt^s first thought was to have Doubleday *" lead the 
Indian Expedition, the auxiliary white force of which 
was to be selected from the regiments at Fort Scott. 
Doubleday accordingly made his plans, rendezvoused 
his men, and arranged that the mouth of Shoal Creek 
should be a rallying point and temporary headquar- 
ters ;**• but events were already in train for Colonel 

^^ Salomon was born in Prussia in 1826 plosengarten, The German 
Soldier in the Wan of the United States ^ i$o]. He had distinguished him- 
self in some of the fighting that had taken place in Missouri in the opening 
months of the war and, when the Ninth Wisconsin Infantry, composed solely 
of German-Americans, had been recruited, he was called to its command 
[Love, Wisconsin in the War of the Rebellion^ 578]. 

«»» Official Records^ vol. xiii, 37*-37». 377- 

^* For an account of Doubleday's movements in April that very probably 
gained him the place, see Britton, Civil War on the Border^ vol. i, 396. 

«»» Official Records, vol. xiii, 397, 408. 



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Organization of the First Expedition 1 19 

Weer to supersede him and for his own assignment to 
the Second Brigade of the expedition. 

Previous to his supersedure by Weer, Doubleday 
conceived that it might be possible to reach Fort Gib- 
son with ease,**^ provided the attempt to do so should 
be undertaken before the various independent seces- 
sionist commands could unite to resist.*** That they 
were planning to unite there was every indication.*" 
Doubleday*" was especially desirous of heading off 
Stand Watie who was still hovering around in the 
neighborhood of his recent adventures, and was be- 
lieved now to have an encampment on Cowskin Prairie 
near Grand River. Accordingly, on the morning of 
June 6, Doubleday started out, with artillery and a 
thousand men, and, going southward from Spring Riv- 
er, reached the Grand about sundown.*** Watie was 
three miles away and, Doubleday continuing the pur- 
suit, the two forces came to an engagement. It was in- 
decisive,*** however, and Watie slipped away under 

"•Doubleday to Moonlight, May 25, 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 397. 

Ml Doubleday to Blunt, June i, 1Z62, ibid., 408. 

**^ General Brown reported on this matter, June 2 [ibid,, 409] and June 
4 [ibid., 414], as did also General Ketchum, June 3 [ibid., 412]. They all 
seem to have had some intimation that General Pike was to unite with Stand 
Watie as well as Coffee and others, and that was certainly General Hind- 
man's intention. On May 31, the very day that he himself assumed command, 
Hindman had ordered Pike to advance from Fort McCulloch to the Kansas 
border. The order did not reach Pike until June 8 and was repeated June 
17 {ibid,, 40]. 

"'The idea seems to have obtained among Missourians that Doubleday 
was all this time inactive. They were either ignorant of or intent upon 
ignoring the Indian Expedition. June 4, Governor Gamble wrote to Secre- 
tary Stanton asking that the Second Ohio and the Ninth Wisconsin, being at 
Fort Scott and unemployed, might be ordered to report to Schofield {ibid., 
4x4, 438], who at the instance of politicians and contrary to the wishes of 
Halleck [ibid,, 368] had been given an independent command in Missouri. 

SS4 Doubleday to Weer, June 8, 1862 [ibid., 102], 

MS Doubleday reported to Weer that it was a pronounced success, so did 
Blunt to Schofield [ibid., 427]; but subsequent events showed that it was 



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I20 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

cover of the darkness. Had unquestioned success 
crowned Doubleday's efforts, all might have been well ; 
but, as it did not, Weer, who had arrived at Fort Scott *** 
a few days before and had been annoyed to find Double- 
day gone, ordered him peremptorily to make no further 
progress southward without the Indians. The Indian 
contingent had in reality had a set-back in its prepara- 
tions. Its outfit was incomplete and its means for 
transportation not forthcoming.**^ Under such cir- 
cumstances, Weer advised the removal of the whole 
concern to Fort Scott, but that was easier said than 
done, inasmuch, as before any action was taken, the 
stores were en route for Humboldt."* Nevertheless, 
Weer was determined to have the expedition start be- 
fore Stand Watie could be reinforced by Rains.*" Con- 
stant and insistent were the reports that the enemy was 
massing its forces to destroy the Indian Expedition."* 

anythiag but that and the Daily Conservative tried to ^ the blame upon 
Weer [Weer to Moonlight, June as, 1862, ibid^ 446]. The newspaper ac- 
count of the whole course of affairs may be given, roughly paraphrased^ 
thus: Doubleday, knowing, perhaps, that Weer was to supersede him and 
that his time for action was short, '^withdrew his detachment from Missouri, 
concentrated them near lola, Kansas, and thence directed them to mardi to 
the mouth of Shoal Creek, on Spring River, himaelf taking charge of the 
convoying of a train of forty days supplies to the same place ..." He 
arrived June 4. Then, "indefatigible in forwarding the preparations for a 
blow upon the camp of organization which the rebels had occupied unmo- 
lested on Cowskin Prairie," he made his plans for further advance. At 
that moment came the news that Weer had superseded him and had ordered 
him to stop all movement south. He disregarded the order and struck, even 
though not fully prepared {Daily Conservative^ June 13, 1862]. 

*^Weer to Moonlight, June 5, 1862, Official Records, vol. ziii, 418. 

^91^ Ibid,; Weer to Doubleday, June 6, 1862, ibid., 418-4x9. 

***Weer to Moonlight, June 13, 1862, ibid., 43a 

>**Same to same, June 7, 1862, ibid., 422. 

*<^The destruction of the Indian Expedition was most certainly the oc- 
casion for the massing, notwithstanding the fact that Missourians were appre- 
hensive for the safety of their state only and wanted to have Weer's white 
troops diverted to its defence. Curtis, alone, of the commanders in Missouri 
seems to have surmised rightly in the matter [Curtis to Schofield, ibid., 432]. 



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Organization of the First Expedition 121 

Weer, therefore, went on ahead to the Osage Catholic 
Mission and ordered the Fort Scott troops to meet him 
there. His purpose was to promote the enlistment of 
the Osages, who were now abandoning the Confederate 
cause.*** He would then go forward and join Double- 
day, whom he had instructed to clear the way."** 

Weer's plans were one thing, his embarrassments, an- 
other. Before the middle of June he was back again 
at Leroy,*** having left Salomon and Doubleday*** at 
Baxter Springs on the west side of Spring River in the 
Neutral Lands, the former in command. Weer hoped 
by his presence at Leroy to hurry the Indians along; 
for it was high time the expedition was started and he 
intended to start it, notwithstanding that many officers 
were absent from their posts and the men of the Second 
Indian Regiment not yet mustered in. It was absolute- 
ly necessary, if anything were going to be done with 
Indian aid, to get the braves away from under the influ- 
ence of their chiefs, who were bent upon delay and 
determent. By the sixteenth he had the warriors all 
ready at Humboldt,"*' their bullet-proof medicine tak- 
en, their grand war dance indulged in. By the twenty- 
first, the final packing up began,*** and it was not long 
thereafter before the Indian Expedition, after having 
experienced so many vicissitudes, had definitely mate- 
rialized and was on its way south. Accompanying 
Weer w ere the Reverend Evan Jones, entrusted with 

••^ Weer to Moonlight, June 13, x86a. 

»«*Wecr to Doubleday, June 6, x86a. 

•••Weer to Moonlight, June 13, x86a. 

*o*0n the twentieth, General Brown requested Salomon to send Double- 
day to southwest Missouri lOficial Records, vol. xiii, 440] and Salomon so 
far complied with the request as to post some companies of Doubleday's 
regiment, under Lieutenant-colonel Ratliff, at Neosho libid., 445, 459]. 

•05 -/^U/., 434. 



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122 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

a confidential message "^^ to John Ross, and two special 
Indian agents, E. H. Carruth, detailed at the instance 
of the Indian Office, and H. W. Martin, sent on Coffin*s 
own responsibility, their particular task being to look 
out for the interests and welfare of the Indians and, 
when once within the Indian Territory, to take careful 
stock of conditions there, both political and economic.'** 
The Indians were in fine spirits and, although looking 

*0Y The message, addressed to "Mutual Friend/' was an assurance of the 
continued interest of the United States government in the inhabitants of .In- 
dian Territory and of its determination to protect them [Coffin to Ross, June 
i6, z862, Indian Office Genera] Files, Southern Superintgtidgncy, 1859-1862, 
C 1684]. 

*®* ". . . You will assure all loyal Indians in the Indian Territory of 
the disposition and the ability of the Government of the United States to 
protect them in all their rights, and that there is no disposition on the part 
of said government to shrink from any of its Treaty Obligations with all 
such of the Indian Tribes, who have been, are now, and remaining loyal to 
the same. Also that the government will, at the earliest practicable period, 
which is believed not to be distant, restore to all loyal Indians the rights, 
privileges, and immunities, that they have enjoyed previous to the present 
unfortunate rebellion. 

"If, during the progress of the Army you should find Indians in a suf- 
fering condition whose loyalty is beyond doubt, you will, on consultation with 
the officers, render such assistance, as you may think proper, with such aid 
as the officers may render you. 

''You will carefully look into the condition of the country, ascertain the 
quantity of Stock, Hogs, and Cattle, also the quantity of Corn, wheat etc 
which may be in the hands of the loyal Indians, and the amount of the 
crops in the ground the present season, their condition and prospects. 

"You are requested to communicate with me at this office at every suit- 
able opportunity on all the above mentioned points, in order to enable me to 
keep the Hon. Com'' of Indian Aff" well advised of the condition of affairs 
in the Indian Territory, and that the necessary steps may be taken at the 
earliest possible moment, consistent with safety and economy, to restore the 
loyal Indians now in Kansas to their homes. 

"Should any considerable number of the Indians, now in the Army, re- 
main in the Indian Territory, or join you from the loyal Indians, now located 
therein you will very probably find it best, to remain with them, until I can get 
there with those, who are now here. But of these matters you will be more 
able to judge on the ground." ~ Extract from Coffin's instructions to Carruth, 
June 16, 1862, ibid. Similar instructions, under date of June 23, 1862, were 
sent to H. W. Martin. 



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Organization of the First Expedition 123 

somewhat ludicrous in their uniforms,'** were not much 
behind their comrades of the Ninth and Tenth Kan- 
sas "• in earnestness and in attention to duty."* Never- 
theless, they had been very reluctant to leave their fam- 
ilies and were, one and all, very apprehensive as to the 
future. 



*<>*"I have jutt returned from Humboldt -the army there under CoL 
Weer consisting of the zoth Kansas Regiment 4 Companjrs of the 9th Kansas 
Aliens Battery of Six Tenths Parrot Guns and the first and second Indian 
Regements left for the Indian Territory in good stile and in fine spirits 
the Indians with their new uniforms and small Military caps on their Hugh 
Heads of Hair made rather a Comecal Ludecrous apperance they marched 
off in Columns of 4 a breast singing the war song all joining in the chourse 
and a more animated seen is not often witnessed. The officers in command 
of the Indian Regements have labored incessantly and the improvement the 
Indians have made in drilling is much greater than I supposed them capabell 
of and I think the opinion and confidence of all in the eficency of the Indian 
Regements was very much greater when they left than at any previous 
period and I have little doubt that for the kind of service that will be re- 
quired of them they will be the most efecient troops in the Expedition." - 
CoFHN to Dole, June 25, 1862, Indian Office General Filet, Southim Super- 
intendency^ 1859-1862, €1684. 

*^0Weer took with him as white anxiliary "the Tenth Kansas, Allen's 
battery, three companies Ninth Kansas . . ." [Oficial Records^ voL xlii, 
441]. It seems to have been his intention to take the Second Kansas also; 
but that regiment was determined to stay at Humboldt until it had effected a 
change in its colonels in favor of Owen A. Bassett [ihid^ 434]. 

*^^Weer was disgusted with conditions surrounding his white force. 
This is his complaint, on the eve of his departure: 

"Commissions to officers from the Governor are pouring in daily. I am 
told that the Tenth is rapidly becoming a regiment of officers. To add to 
these difficulties there are continual intrigues, from colonels down, for pro- 
motions and positions of command. Officers are leaving their posts for Fort 
Leavenworth and elsewhere to engage in these intrigues for more prominent 
places. The camps are filled with rumors of the success of this or that man. 
Factions are forming, and a general state of demoralization being pro- 
duced. . ."-Wber to Moonlight, June az, 1862, ibid,^ 44x-442> 



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V. THE MARCH TO TAHLEQUAH AND THE 
RETROGRADE MOVEMENT OF THE 
"WHITE AUXILIARY" 

Towards the end of June, the various elements de- 
signed to comprise the First Indian Expedition had 
encamped at Baxter Springs"* and two brigades formed. 
As finally organized, the First Brigade was put under 
the command of Colonel Salomon and the Second, of 
Colonel William R. Judson. To the former, was at- 
tached the Second Indian Regiment, incomplete, and, 
to the latter, the First. Brigaded with the Indian regi- 
ments was the white auxiliary that had been promised 
and that the Indians had almost pathetically counted 
upon to assist them in their straits. Colonel Weer's in- 
tention was not to have the white and red people re- 
sponsible for the same duties nor immediately march 
together. The red were believed to be excellent for 
scouting and, as it would be necessary to scout far and 
wide all the way down into the Indian Territory, the 
country being full of bushwhackers, also, most likely, 
of the miscellaneous forces of General Rains, Colonel 
Coffee, and Colonel Stand Watie, they were to be re- 
served for that work. 

The forward movement of the Indian Expedition 
began at daybreak on the twenty-eighth of June. It 
was then that the First Brigade started, its white con- 
tingent, ''two sections Indiana Battery, one battalion of 

*^* Baxter Springs was a goveminent post, established on Spring River 
in the southwest comer of the Cherokee Neutral Lands, subsequent to the 
Battle of Pea Ridge [Kansas Historical Society, Collections, vol. yi, 150]. 



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1 26 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Second Ohio Volunteer Cavalry, and six companies of 
Ninth Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry,""* taking the 
military road across the Quapaw Strip and entering the 
Indian Territory, unmolested. A day*s journey in the 
rear and travelling by the same route came the white 
contingent of the Second Brigade and so much of the 
First Indian as was unmounted."* Beyond the border, 
the cavalcade proceeded to Hudson's Crossing of the 
Neosho River, where it halted to await the coming of 
supply trains from Fort Scott. In the meantime, the 
Second Indian Regiment, under Colonel John Ritchie, 
followed, a day apart, by the mounted men of the First 
under Major William A. Phillips,"* had also set out, 
its orders"* being to leave the military road and to 
cross to the east bank of Spring River, from thence to 
march southward and scour the country thoroughly be- 
tween Grand River and the Missouri state line. 

The halt at Hudson's Crossing occupied the better 
part of two days and then the main body of the Indian 
Expedition resumed its forward march. It crossed the 
Neosho and moved on, down the west side of Grand 
River, to a fording place, Carey's Ford, at which point, 
it passed over to the east side of the river and camped, 
a short distance from the ford, at Round Grove, on 
Cowskin Prairie, Cherokee ground, and the scene of 
Doubleday's recent encounter with the enemy. At this 

"« Salomon 10 Wecr, June 30^ 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 458. 

"* James A. Phillips to Judson, June 28, i86a tofficial Records, vol. 
xiii, 456]. 

"» William A. Phillips, a Scotsman by birth, went out to Kansas in the 
autumn of 1855 as regular staff correspondent of the New York Tribune 
[Kansas Historical Society Collections, vol. v, xoo, Z02]. He was a personal 
friend of Dana's [Britton, Memoirs, 89], became with Lane an active Free 
State man and later was appointed on Lane's staff [Daily Conservatitfe, 
January 24, 31, 1862]. He served as correspondent of the Daily Conserva- 
tive at the time when that newspaper was most guilty of incendiarism. 

*^* James A. Phillips to Judson, June 28, 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 
456. 



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The March to Tahlequah 127 

place it anxiously awaited the return of Lieutenant- 
colonel Ratliff, who had been despatched to Neosho in 
response to an urgency call from General E. B. Brown 
in charge of the Southwestern Division of the District 
of Missouri."* 

The Confederates were still in the vicinity, promiscu- 
ously wandering about, perhaps ; but, none the less, de- 
termined to check, if possible, the Federal further prog- 
ress ; for they knew that only by holding the territorial 
vantage, which they had secured through gross Federal 
negligence months before, could they hope to maintain 
intact the Indian alliance with the Southern States. 
Stand Watie*s home farm was in the neighborhood of 
Weer's camp and Stand Watie himself was even then 
scouting in the Spavinaw hills."* 

In the latter part of May, under directions from Gen- 
eral Beauregard"* but apparently without the avowed 
knowledge of the Confederate War Department and 
certainly without its official"^ sanction, Thomas C. 

*^7 Weer to Moonlight, June as, 1862, Official Records^ toL xiii, 445, and 
same to same, July 3, i86a, ilnd,^ 459-461. 

»*• Anderson, Life of General Stand Watie^ 18. 

"» Official Records^ vol. xiii, 28. 

*^<^The emphasis should be upon the word, official^ since the govern- 
ment must assuredly have acquiesced in Hindman's appointment Hindman 
declared that the Secretary of War, in communicating on the subject to the 
House of Representatives, "ignored facts which had been officially communi- 
cated to him," in order to convey the impression that Hindman had under- 
taken to fill the post of commander in the Trans-Mississippi Department 
without rightful authority [Hindman to Holmes, February 8, 1863, ibid.^ vol. 
xxii, part a, p. 785]. The following telegram shows that President Davit 
had been apprised of Hindman's selection, and of its tentative character. 

Baldwin, June 5, 1862. 

_ (Received 6th.) 

The Prbsidbnt: 

Do not send any one just now to command the Trans-Mississippi 

District It will bring trouble to this army. Hindman has been sent 

there temporarily. Price will be on to see you soon. 

Earl Van Dorn, Major-General. 

[Ibid^ vol. Hi, part 2, supplement, p. 320.] 



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128 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Hindman had assumed the command of the Trans-Mis- 
sissippi Department."* As an Arkansan, deeply moved 
by the misfortunes and distress of his native state, he 
had stepped into Van Dorn*s place with alacrity, intent 
upon forcing everything within his reach to subserve 
the interests of the Confederate cause in that particular 
part of the southern world. To the Indians and to their 
rights, natural or acquired, he was as utterly indifferent 
as were most other American men and all too soon that 
fact became obvious, most obvious, indeed, to General 
Pike, the one person who had, for reasons best known 
to himself, made the Indian cause his own. 

General Hindman took formal command of the 
Trans-Mississippi Department at Little Rock, May 31. 
It was a critical moment and he was most critically 
placed; for he had not the sign of an army, Curtis*s ad- 
vance was only about thirty-five miles away, and Arkan- 
sas was yet, in the miserable plight in which Van Dom 
had left her in charge of Brigadier-general J. S. Roane, 
it is true, but practically denuded of troops. Pike was 
at Fort McCulloch, and he had a force not wholly to 
be despised.'" It was to him, therefore, that Hindman 

^^^ Department seemi to be the more proper word to use to designate 
Hindman's command, although District and Department are frequently used 
interchangeably in the records. In Hindman's time and in Holmes's, the 
Trans-Mississippi Department was not the same as the Trans-Mississippi 
District of Department No. a [See Thomas Jordan, Chief of Staff, to Hind- 
man, July Z7, i86a. Official Records, vol. xiii, 855]. On the very date of 
Hindman's assignment, the boundaries of his conmiand were defined as 
follows: 

"The boundary of the Trans-Mississippi Department will embrace the 
States of Missouri and Arkansas, including Indian Territory, the State of 
Louisiana west of the Mississippi, and the State of Texas." - /^u/., 829. 

*** Yet Hindman did, in a sense, despise it and, from the start, he showed 
a tendency to disparage Pike's abilities and efforts. On the nineteenth of 
June, he reported to Adjutant-general Cooper, among other things, that he 
had ordered Pike to establish his headquarters at Fort Gibson and added, 
*'Hi8 force does not amount to much, but there is no earthly need of its 



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Th e March to Tahlequah 129 

made one of his first appeals for help and he ordered 
him so to dispose of his men that some of the more effi- 
cient, the white, might be sent to Little Rock and the 
less efficient, the red, moved upward "to prevent the 
incursions of marauding parties," from Kansas."' The 
orders were repeated about a fortnight later ; but Pike 
had already complied to the best of his ability, although 
not without protest"* for he had collected his brigade 
and accoutered it by his own energies and his own con- 
trivances solely. Moreover, he had done it for the de- 
fence of Indian Territory exclusively. 

Included among the marauders, whose enterprises 
General Hindman was bent upon checking, were Dou- 
bleday's men; for, as General Curtis shrewdly sur- 
miscd,**" some inkling of Doubleday's contemplated 
maneuvers had most certainly reached Little Rock. 
Subsequently, when the Indian Expedition was massing 
at Baxter Springs, more vigorous measures than any 
yet taken were prepared for and all with the view of 
delaying or defeating it. June 23, Pike ordered 
Colonel Douglas H. Cooper to repair to the country 
north of the Canadian River and to take command of 
all troops, except Jumper's Seminole battalion, that 
should be there or placed there."* Similarly, June 26, 
Hindman, in ignorance of Pike's action, assigned Colo- 
nel J. J. Clarkson"* to the supreme command, under 

remaining 150 miles south of the Kansas line throwing up intrenchments.'* 
[Oficial Records, vol. xiii, 837]. 

B3' Hindman to Pike, May 31, 1862 [ibid^ 934]. 

*'^Pike to Hindman, June 8, i%6% [ibid,, 936-943]. 

m^Ibid,, 398, 401. 

*'* General Orders, ibid,, 839, 844-845. 

ssTQf Clarkson, Pike had this to say: "He applied to me while raising his 
force for orders to go upon the Santa Fe' road and intercept trains. I wrote 
him that he could have such orders if he chose to come here, and the next I 
heard of him he wrote for ammunition, and, I learned, was going to make 



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130 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Pike, "of all forces that now arc or may hereafterbc 
within the limits of the Cherokee, Creek, and Seminole 
countries." *" As fate would have it, Clarkson was the 
one of these two to whom the work in hand first fell. 

The Indian Expedition was prepared to find its way 
contested ; for its leaders believed Rains,*" Coffey, and 
Stand Watie to be all in the immediate vicinity, await- 
ing the opportunity to attack either singly or with com- 
bined forces; but, except for a small affair between a 
reconnoitering party sent out by Salomon and the 
enemy's pickets,**® the march was without incident 
worth recording until after Weer had broken camp at 
Cowskin Prairie. Behind him the ground seemed clear 
enough, thanks to the very thorough scouting that had 
been done by the Indians of the Home Guard regi- 
ments, some of whom, those of Colonel Phillips's com- 
mand, had been able to penetrate Missouri.*** Of con- 
ditions ahead of him, Weer was not so sure and he was 
soon made aware of the near presence, of the foe. 

Colonel Watie, vigilant and redoubtable, had been 
on the watch for the Federals for some time and, learn- 
ing of their approach down the east side of Grand Riv- 
er, sent two companies of his regiment to head off their 
advance guard. This was attempted in a surprise 
movement at Spavinaw Creek and accomplished with 
some measure of success.*** Colonel Clarkson was at 

forays into Missouri. I had no ammunition for that business. He seized 70 
kegs that I had engaged of Sparks in Fort Smith, and soon lost the whole 
and Watie's also. Without any notice to me he somehow got in command 
of the northern part of the Indian country over two colonels with com- 
missions nine months older than his." -Pike to Hindman, July 15, 1S62, 
Official Records^ vol. xiii, S5S. 

»*• Official Records, vol. xiii, S45-846. 

*2* Rains had made Tahlequah the headquarters of the Eighth Division 
Missouri State Guards. -Pike to Hindman, July 15, iS6a, ibid,^ 858. 

**^ — Ibid,, vol. xiii, 458, 460. 

»w — /*fV., 460. 

»»* Anderson, Life of General Stand Watte, x8. This incident is most 



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The March to Tahlequah 131 

Locust Grove and Weer, ascertaining that fact, pre- 
pared for an engagement. His supplies and camp 
equipage, also an unutilized part of his artillery he sent 
for safety to Cabin Creek, across Grand River and 
Lieutenant-colonel Lewis R. Jewell of the Sixth Kansas 
Cavalry he sent eastward, in the direction of Maysville, 
Arkansas, his expectation being -and it was realized - 
that Jewell would strike the trail of Watie and engage 
him while Weer himself sought out Clarkson.*" 

The looked-for engagement between the main part 
of the Indian Expedition and Clarkson's force, a bat- 
talion of Missourians that had been raised by Hind- 
man's orders and sent to the Indian Territory "at the 
urgent request of Watie and Drew," *** occurred at 
Locust Grove on the third of July. It was nothing but 
a skirmish, yet had very significant results. Only two 
detachments of Weer's men were actively engaged in 
it.*" One of them was from the First Indian Home 
Guard and upon it the brunt of the fighting fell.*** 

likely the one that is referred to in Carnith and Martin's letter to Coffin, 
August 2, 1862, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, p. 162. 

»•• Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 300-301. 

"** Report of General Hindman, Official Records, vol. xiii, 40. 

•MWeer to Moonlight, July 6, 1862, ibid,, 137. 

**^ Carruth and Martin reported to Coffin, August 2, 1862, that the Indians 
did practically all the fighting on the Federal side. In minor details, their 
account differed considerably from Weer'a. 

"When near Grand Saline, Colonel Weer detached parts of the 6th, 9th, 
and loth Kansas regiments, and sent the zst Indian regiment in advance. 
By a forced night march they came up to the camp of Colonel Clarkson, 
completely surprising him, capturing all his supplies, and taking one hundred 
prisoners; among them the colonel himself. 

"The Creek Indians were first in the fight, led by Lieutenant Colonel 
Wattles and Major Ellithorpe. We do not hear that any white man fired a 
gun unless it was to kill the surgeon of the 1st Indian regiment. We were 
since informed that one white man was killed by the name of McClintock, 
of the 9th Kansas regiment. In reality, it was a victory gained by the 
ist Indian regiment; and while the other forces would, no doubt, have acted 
well, it is the height of injustice to claim this victory for the whites. . ."- 

CdMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, Report, 1862, p. 162. 



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132 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

The Confederates were worsted and lost their train and 
many prisoners. Among the prisoners was Clarkson 
himself. His battalion was put to flight and in that cir- 
cumstance lay the worst aspect of the whole engage- 
ment; for the routed men fled towards Tahlequah and 
spread consternation among the Indians gathered there, 
also among those who saw them by the way or heard 
of them. Thoroughly frightened the red men sought 
refuge within the Federal lines. Such conduct was to 
be expected of primitive people, who invariably in- 
cline towards the side of the victor; but, in this case, it 
was most disastrous to the Confederate Indian alliance. 
For the second time since the war began. Colonel John 
Drew's enlisted men defected from their own ranks *" 
and, with the exception of a small body under Captain 
Pickens Benge,*" went boldly over to the enemy. The 
result was, that the Second Indian Home Guard, Rit- 
chie's regiment, which had not previously been filled up, 
had soon the requisite number of men "• and there were 
more to spare. Indeed, during the days that followed, 
so many recruits came in, nearly all of them Cherokees, 
that lists were opened for starting a third regiment of 
Indian Home Guards.*" It was not long before it was 
organized, accepted by Blunt, and W. A. Phillips com- 
missioned as its colonel.*" The regular mustering in 
of the new recruits had to be done at Fort Scott and 
thither Ritchie sent the men, intended for his regiment, 
immediately. 

The. Indian Expedition had started out with a very 
definite preliminary programme respecting the man- 

»*^ official Records, vol. xiii, 138. 
*** Hindman't Report; ibid^ 40. 
»>• Ritchie to Blunt, July 5, i86a, ibid,, 463-464. 
»*® Weer to Moonlight, July la, i86a, ibid,, 488. 

"1 Blunt to Salomon, August 3, i86a, ibid,, 53a; Britton, Civil War on 
the Border, vol. i, 304. 



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The March to Tahlequah 133 

agement of Indian affairs, particularly as those affairs 
might be concerned with the future attitude of the 
Cherokee Nation. The programme comprised instruc- 
tions that emanated from both civil and military 
sources. The special Indian agents, Carruth and Mar- 
tin, had been given suitable tasks to perform and the 
instructions handed them have already been commented 
upon. Personally, these two men were very much dis- 
posed to magnify the importance of their own position 
and to resent anything that looked like interference on 
the part of the military. As a matter of fact, the mili- 
tary men treated them with scant courtesy and made lit- 
tle or no provision for their comfort and convenience.*** 
Colonel Weer seems to have ignored, at times, their 
very existence. On more than one occasion, for instance, 
he deplored the absence of some official, accredited 
by the Indian Office, to take charge of what he con- 
temptuously called "this Indian business,^^ "* which bus- 
iness, he felt, greatly complicated all military under- 
takings"* and was decidedly beyond the bounds of his 
peculiar province.*** 

*^* Pretty good evidence of this appears in a letter, which Carruth and 
Martin jointly addressed to Coffin, September 4, 1863, in anticipation of the 
Second Indian Expedition, their idea being to guard against a repetition of 
some of the experiences of the first "We wish to call your attention," wrote 
they, "to the necessity of our being allowed a wagon to haul our clothing, 
tents, etc. in the Southern expedition. 

"In the last expedition we had much annoyance for the want of accom- 
modations of our own. Unless we are always by at the moment of moving, 
our things are liable to be left behind, that room may be made for army 
haggage which sometimes accumulates amazingly. . . 

"The cold nights of autumn and winter will overtake us in the next 
expedition and we ought to go prepared for them. We must carry many 
things, as clothing, blankets, etc." - General Files, Southgm Superintendencf, 
zS59-iS6a. 

*«» Official Records, vol. xiii, 46a 

•"— /W^., 487. 

s4BWeer, nevertheless, was not long in developing some very pronounced 
ideas on the subject of Indian relations. The earliest and best indication of 



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134 ^^- Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

The military instructions for the management of 
Indian affairs outlined a policy exceedingly liberal, a 
policy that proceeded upon the assumption that stress 
of circumstances had conditioned the Indian alliance 
with the Confederacy. This idea was explicitly con- 
veyed in a communication from Weer, through his act- 
ing assistant adjutant-general, to John Ross, and again 
in the orders issued to Salomon and Judson. Ross and 
his people were to be given an opportunity to return to 
their allegiance, confident that the United States gov- 
ernment would henceforth protect them.*** And the 
military commanders were invited to give their "care- 
ful attention to the delicate position" which the Indian 
Expedition would occupy 

In its relation to the Indians. The evident desire of the 
government is to restore friendly intercourse with the tribes 
and return the loyal Indians that are with us to their homes. 
Great care must be observed that no unusual degree of vin- 
dictiveness be tolerated between Indian and Indian. Our 
poh'cy toward the rebel portion must be a subject of anxious 
consideration, and its character will to a great degree be shaped 
by yourself (Judson) in conjunction with G>Ionel Salomon. 
No settled policy can at present be marked out. Give all 
questions their full share of investigation. No spirit of private 
vengeance should be tolerated.**^ 

After the skirmish at Locust Grove, Colonel Weer 
deemed that the appropriate moment had come for 
approaching John Ross with suggestions that the Cher- 
okee Nation abandon its Confederate ally and return 
to its allegiance to the United States government. From 

that it to be found in his letter of July twelfth, in which he gave his opinion 

of the negroes, whom he found very insolent. He proposed that the Cherokee 

Nation should abolish slavery by vote. 

*** J. A. Phillips to Ross, June 26, 1S63, Official RecQrds, vol. xiii, 45a 
*^^ Phillips to Judson, June aS, 1863, ibid., 456. Orders, almost identically 

the same, were issued to Salomon. Sec Phillips to Salomon, June 37, zS63, 

ibid., 453. 



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The March to Tahlequah 135 

his camp on Wolf Creek, therefore, he addressed a 
conciliatory communication "• to the Cherokee chief, 
begging the favor of an interview and offering to make 
full reparation for any outrages or reprisals that his 
men, in defiance of express orders to the contrary, 
might have made upon the Cherokee people through 
whose country they had passed.*** Weer had known 
for several days, indeed, ever since he first crossed the 
line, that the natives were thoroughly alarmed at the 
coming of the Indian Expedition. They feared re- 
prisals and Indian revenge and, whenever possible, 
had fled out of reach of danger, many of them across 
the Arkansas River, taking with them what of their 
property they could."* Weer had done his best to re- 
strain his troops, especially the Indian, and had been 
very firm in insisting that no "outrages perpetrated af- 
ter Indian fashion" should occur.*** 

Weer's message to Ross was sent, under a flag of 
truce, by Doctor Gillpatrick, a surgeon in the Indian 
Expedition, who had previously served under Lane.*** 
Ross's reply,*** although prompt, was scarcely satisfac- 
tory from Weer's standpoint He refused pointblank 
the request for an interview and reminded Weer that 
the Cherokee Nation, "under the sanction and author- 
ity of the whole Cherokee people," had made a formal 
alliance with the Confederate government and pro- 

*^* Weer to Ross, July 7, 1S62, Official Records, vol ziii, 464. 

'**That there had been outrages and reprisals, Carruth and Martin ad- 
mitted but they claimed that they had been committed by white men and 
wrongfully charged against Indians [Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 
2S62, 162-163]. 

•••Weer to Moonlight, July 2, 1S62, Official Records, vol. xiii, 460. 

wi— Ibid., 452, 456, 461. 

^^* Daily Conservative, December 27, 1S61. 

•••Ross to Weer, July 8, 1862, Official Records, vol. xill, 486-487; Moore, 
Rebellion Record, vol. v, 549. 



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136 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

posed to remain true, as had ever been its custom, to 
its treaty obligations. To fortify his position, he sub- 
mitted documents justifying his own and tribal actions 
since the beginning of the war."* Weer was naturally 
much embarrassed. Apparently, he had had the no- 
tion that the Indians would rush into the arms of the 
Union with the first appearance of a Federal soldier; 
but he was grievously mistaken. None the less, verbal 
reports that reached his headquarters on Wolf Creek 
restored somewhat his equanimity and gave him the 
impression that Ross, thoroughly anti-secessionist at 
heart himself, was acting diplomatically and biding 
his time."* Weer referred **• the matter to Blunt for 
instructions at the very moment when Blunt, ignorant 
that he had already had communication with Ross, was 
urging ••^ him to be expeditious, since it was "desirable 
to return the refugee Indians now in Kansas to their 
homes as soon as practicable." 

There were other reasons, more purely military, why 
a certain haste was rather necessary. Some of those 
reasons inspired Colonel Weer to have the country 
around about him well reconnoitered. On the fourteenth 
of July, he sent out two detachments. One, led by Ma- 
jor W. T. Campbell, was to examine "the alleged posi- 
tion of the enemy south of the Arkansas," and the other, 
led by Captain H. S. Greeno, to repair to Tahlequah 
and Park Hill."* Campbell, before he had advanced far, 
found out that there was a strong Confederate force at 
Fort Davis *•• so he halted at Fort Gibson and was 

■»* Wccr to Moonlight, July la, 1S62, Official Records, vol. xiii, 487. The 
documcntt are to be found accompanying Weer't letter, ibid,, 489-505. 
*•• Blunt to Stanton, July 21, 1862, ibid., 486. 
*"*Weer to Moonlight, July 12, 1862, ibid,^ 487-488. 
*ST Blunt to Weer, July 12, 1862, ibid,, 488-489. 
»»• Weer to Moonlight, July 16, 1862, ibid,, 160-161. 
"•Campbell to Weer, July 14, 1862, ibid,, x6i. 



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The March to Tahlequah 137 

there joined by Weer. Meanwhile, Greeno with his 
detachment of one company of whites and fifty Cher- 
okee Indians had reached Tahlequah and had gone into 
camp two and one-half miles to the southward.*** He 
was then not far from Park Hill, the residence of 
Chief Ross. All the way down he had been on the 
watch for news; but the only forces he could hear of 
were 'some Indian, who were believed to be friendly 
to the Union although ostensibly still serving the Con- 
federacy. It was a time of crisis both with them and 
with him; for their leaders had just been summoned 
by Colonel Cooper, now in undisputed command north 
of the Canadian, to report immediately for duty at 
Fort Davis, his headquarters. Whatever was to be 
done would have to be done quickly. There was no 
time to lose and Greeno decided the matter for all con- 
cerned by resorting to what turned out to be a very 
clever expedient. He made the commissioned men all 
prisoners of war*** and then turned his attention to the 
Principal Chief, who was likewise in a dilemma, he 
having received a despatch from Cooper ordering him, 
under authority of treaty provisions and "in the name of 
President Davis, Confederate States of America, to issue 
a proclamation calling on all Cherokee Indians over 18 
and under 35 to come forward and assist in protecting 
the country from invasion." *** Greeno thought the mat- 
ter over and concluded there was nothing for him to do 
but to capture Ross also and to release him, subsequent- 
ly, on parole. These things he did and there were 
many people who thought, both then and long after- 

»•• Greeno to Weer, July 15, 1863, Official Records, toI. xiil, 473 ; Car- 
ruth and Martin to Coffin, July 19, 1S62, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
Report, 1863, i58-i6a 

••1 Greeno to Weer, July 17, 1863, Official Records, vol xiii, 161-163. 

»«« Official Records, vol xiil, 473. 



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138 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

wards, that the whole affair had been arranged for 
beforehand and that victor and victim had been in col- 
lusion with each other all the way through. 

Up to this point the Indian Expedition can be said 
to have met with more than a fair measure pf success; 
but its troubles were now to begin or rather to assert 
themselves; for most of them had been present since 
the very beginning. Fundamental to everything else 
was the fact that it was summer-time and summer-time, 
too, in a prairie region. Troops from the north, from 
Wisconsin and from Ohio, were not acclimated and 
they found the heat of June and July almost insuffer- 
able. There were times when they lacked good drink- 
ing water, which made bad matters worse. The Ger- 
mans were particularly discontented and came to de- 
spise the miserable company in which they found them- 
selves. It was miserable, not so much because it was 
largely Indian, but because it was so ill-equipped and 
80 disorderly. At Cowskin Prairie, the scouts had to 
be called in, not because their work was finished, but 
because they and their ponies were no longer equal to 
it.*** They had played out for the simple reason that 
they were not well fitted out. The country east of 
Grand River was "very broken and flinty and their 
ponies unshod." It has been claimed, although maybe 
with some exaggeration, that not "a single horse-shoe 
or nail" had been provided for Colonel Salomori's 
brigade.*** 

The supplies of the Indian Expedition were insuffi- 
cient and, although at Spavinaw Creek Colonel Watie's 
entire commissary had been captured *** and Clarkson's 
at Locust Grove, there was great scarcity. Weer had 

••» Offidai Records, vol. xiii, 46a 

»«*Lovc, Wisconsin in the War of Rebellion, 58a 

**" Anderson, Life of General Stand Watie, 19. 



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The March to Tahlequah 139 

been cautioned again and again not to cut himself off 
from easy communication with Fort Scott/** He had 
shown a disposition to wander widely from the straight 
road to Fort Gibson; but Blunt had insisted that he 
refrain altogether from making excursions into adjoin- 
ing states.**^ He had himself realized the shortness of 
his provisions and had made a desperate effort to get to 
the Grand Saline so as to replenish his supply of salt at 
the place where the Confederates had been manufactur- 
ing that article for many months. He had known also 
that for some things, such as ordnance stores, he would 
have to look even as far as Fort Leavenworth.*** 

The climax of all these affairs was reached July 18, 
1862. On that day, Frederick Salomon, colonel of the 
First Brigade, took matters into his own hands and 
arrested his superior officer. It was undoubtedly a clear 
case of mutiny •*• but there was much to be said in ex- 
tenuation of Salomon's conduct. The reasons for his 
action, as stated in a pronunciamento *^* to his associates 
in command and as submitted to General Blunt *^^ are 
here given. They speak for themselves. 

Headquarters Indian Expedition, 
Camp on Grand River, July 18, 1862. 
To Commanders of the different Corps constituting 
Indian Expedition: 
Sirs: In military as well as civil affairs great and violent 
wrongs need speedy and certain remedies. The time had ar- 
rived, in my judgment, in the history of this expedition when 
the greatest wrong ever perpetrated upon any troops was about 

8M Consider, for example, Blnnt't orden of July 14 {Official RicordSf vol. 
xiii, 47a]. 

>*Y Blunt to Weer, July 3, 1862, ibid., 461. 

***Weer to Moonlight, July 2, 1862, ibid. 

***Ai such the Indian agents regarded it See their communication on 
the subject, July 19, 1862, ibid., 478. 

^^^Ibid., 475-476. 

sn/^fU, 484-485. 



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140 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

to fall with crushing weight upon the noble men composing the 
command. Some one must act, and that' at once, or starvation 
and capture were the imminent hazards that looked us in the 
face. 

As next in coinmand to Colonel Weer» and upon his ex- 
press refusal to move at all for the salvation of his troops, I felt 
the responsibility resting upon me. 

I have arrested Colonel Weer and assumed command. 

The causes leading to this ^rrest you all know. I need not 
reiterate them here. Suffice to say that we are 160 miles from 
the base of operations, almost entirely through an enemy's 
country, and without communication being left open behind us. 
We have been pushed forward thus far by forced and fatiguing 
( marches under the violent southern sun without any adequate 
object. By Colonel Weer's orders we were forced to encamp 
where our famishing men were unable to obtain anything but 
putrid, stinking water. Our reports for disability and unfit- 
ness for duty were disregarded; our cries for help and com- 
plaints of unnecessary hardships and suffering were received 
with closed ears. Yesterday a council of war, convened by 
the order of Colonel Weer, decided that our only safety lay 
in falling back to some point from which we could reopen com- 
munication with our commissary depot. Colonel Weer over- 
rides and annuls the decision of that council, and announces 
his determination not to move from this point. We have but 
three days' rations on hand and an order issued by him putting 
the command on half rations. For nearly two weeks we have 
no communication from our rear. We have no knowledge 
when supply trains will reach us, neither has Colonel Weer. 
Three sets of couriers, dispatched at different times to find these 
trains and report, have so far made no report. Reliable in- 
formation has been received that large bodies of the enemy 
were moving to our rear, and yet we lay here idle. We are 
now and ever since our arrival here have been entirely without 
vegetables or healthy food for our troops. I have stood with 
arms folded and seen my men faint and fall away from me 
like the leaves of autumn because I thought myself powerless 
to save them. 

I will look upon this scene no longer. I know the respon- 
sibility I have assumed. I have acted after careful thought 



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The March to Tahlequah 141 

and deliberation. Give me your confidence for a few days, 
and all that man can do, and with a pure purpose and a firm 
faith that he is right, shall be done for the preservation of the 
troops. F. Salomon, Colonel Ninth Wis. Vols., 

Comdg. Indian Expedition. 

Headquarters Indian Expedition, 
Camp on Wolf Creek, Cherokee Nation, July 20, 1862. 
Brio. Gen. James G. Blunt, 

Commanding Department of Kansas: 

Sir: I have the honor to report that I have arrested Col. 
William Weer, commanding the Indian Expedition, and have 
assumed command. Among the numerous reasons for this 
step a few of the chief are as follows: 

From the day of our first* report to him we have found him 
a man abusive and violent in his intercourse with his fellow- 
officers, notoriously intemperate in habits, entirely disregard- 
ing military usages and discipline, always rash in speech, act, 
and orders, refusing to inferior officers and their reports that 
consideration which is due an officer of the U.S. Army. 

Starting from Cowskin Prairie on the ist instant, we were 
pushed rapidly forward to the vicinity of Fort Gibson, on the 
Arkansas River, a distance of 160 miles from Fort Scott. No 
effort was made by him to keep communication open behind us. 
It seemed he desired none. We had but twenty-three days' 
rations on hand. As soon as he reached a position on Grand 
River 14 miles from Fort Gibson his movements suddenly 
ceased. We could then have crossed the Arkansas River, but 
it seemed there was no object to be attained in his judgment 
by such a move. There we lay entirely idle from the 9th to 
the 19th. We had at last reached the point when we had but 
three days' rations on hand. Something must be done. We 
were in a barren country, with a large force of the enemy in 
front of us, a large and now impassable river between us, and 
no news from our train or from our base of operations for 
twelve days. What were we to do? Colonel Weer called a 
council of war, at which he stated that the Arkansas River 
was now impassable to our forces; that a train containing 
commissary stores had been expected for three days; that three 
different sets of couriers sent out some time previous had en- 



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1^2 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

tirely failed to repoit^jthat he had been twelve days entirely 
without conununicatiohNvith or"f rem the department, and that 
he had received reliable information that a large force of the 
enemy were moving to our rear via the Verdigris River for the 
purpose of cutting off our train. 

Upon this and other information the council of war decided 
that our only safety lay in falling back to some point where 
we could reppen communication and learn the whereabouts of 
our train of subsistence. To this decision of the council he at 
the time assented, and said that he would arrange with the 
commanders of brigades the order of march. Subsequently he 
issued an order putting the command on half rations, declaring 
that he would not fall back, and refused utterly, upon my 
application, to take any steps for the safety or salvation of his 
command. I could but conclude that the man was either in- 
sane, premeditated treachery to his troops, or perhaps that his 
grossly intemperate habits long continued had produced idiocy 
or monomania. In either case the command was imperiled, and 
a military necessity demanded that something be done, and that 
without delay. I took the only step I believed available to 
save your troops. I arrested this man, have drawn charges 
against him, and now hold him subject to your orders. 

On the morning of the 19th I commenced a retrograde 
march and have fallen back with my. main force to this point. 

You will see by General Orders, No. i, herewith forward- 
ed, that I have stationed the First and Second Regiments Indian 
Home Guards as a corps of observation along the Grand and 
Verdigris Rivers ; also to guard the fords of the Arkansas. Yes- 
terday evening a courier reached me at Prior Creek with 
dispatches saying that a commissary train was at Hudson's 
Crossing, 75 miles north of us, waiting for an additional force 
as an escort. Information also reaches me this morning that 
Colonel Watie, with a force of 1,200 men, passed up the east 
side of Grand River yesterday for the purpose of cutting off 
this train. I have sent out strong reconnoitering parties to the 
east of the river, and if the information proves reliable will take 
such further measures as I deem best for its security. 

I design simply to hold the country we are now in, and will 
make no important moves except such as I may deem necessary 
for the preservation of this command until I receive specific 



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The March to Tahlequah 143 

instructions from you. I send Major Burnett with a small . 
escort to make his way through to you. He will give you more 
at length the position of this command, their condition, &c 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

F. Salomon, Colonel Ninth Wis. Vols., 
Comdg. Indian Expedition. 

Salomon's insubordination brought the Indian Ex- 
pedition in its original form to an abrupt end, much 
to the disgust and righteous indignation of the Indian 
service. The arrest of Colonel Weer threw the whole 
camp into confusion,*" and it was some hours before 
anything like order could be restored. A retrograde 
movement of the white troops had evidently been ear- 
lier resolved upon and was at once undertaken. Of 
such troops, Salomon assumed personal command and 
ordered them to begin a march northward at two 
o'clock on the morning of the nineteenth.*" At the 
same time, he established the troops, he was so brutally 
abandoning, as a corps of observation on or near the 
Verdigris and Grand Rivers. They were thus expect- 
ed to cover his retreat, while he, unhampered, proceed- 
ed to Hudson's Crossing."* 

With the departure of Salomon and subordinate com- 
manders in sympathy with his retrograde movement, 
Robert W. Furnas, colonel of the First Indian, became 
the ranking officer in the field. Consequently it was 
his duty to direct the movements of the troops that re- 
mained. The troops were those of the three Indian 
regiments, the third of which had not yet been formally 
recognized and accepted by the government. Not all 
of these troops were in camp when the arrest of Weer 
took place. One of the last official acts of Weer as 

*T* Carnith and Martin to Blunt, July 19, 1863. 

STS Block!, by order of Salomon, July iS, 1863, Official Records, toI. ziii^ 

477- 

*7* Carnith and Martin to Coffb, August a, 1863. 



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144 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

commander of the Indian Expedition had been to order 
the First Indian to proceed to the Verdigris River and 
to take position "in the vicinity of Vann's Ford." Only a 
detachment of about two hundred men had as yet gone 
there, however, and they were there in charge of Lieu- 
tenant A. C. Ellithorpe. A like detachment of the 
Third Indian, under John A. Foreman, major, had been 
posted at Fort Gibson.*^* Salomon's pronunciamento 
and his order, placing the Indian regiments as a corps 
of observation on the Verdigris and Grand Rivers, were 
not communicated to the regimental commanders of 
the Indian Home Guard until July 22;"* but they 
had already met, had conferred among themselves, 
and had decided that it would be bad policy to take 
the Indians out of the Territory.*" They, there- 
fore agreed to consolidate the three regiments into a 
brigade, Furnas in command, and to establish camp and 
headquarters on the Verdigris, about twelve miles di- 
rectly west of the old camp on the Grand."* 

The brigading took place as agreed upon and Furnas, 
brigade commander, retained his colonelcy of the First 
Indian, while Lieutenant-colonel David B. Corwin took 
command of the Second and Colonel William A. Phil- 
lips of the Third. Colonel Ritchie had, prior to recent 
happenings, been detached from his command in order 
to conduct a party of prisoners to Fort Leavenworth, 
also to arrange for the mustering in of Indian recruits.*^* 
But two days' rations were on hand, so jerked beef was 
accepted as the chief article of diet until other supplies 
could be obtained.*** There was likely to be plenty of 

»T» Furnas to Blunt, July 25, 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 512. 
i^t^IbU, 51a. 

•T^Britton, Civil JVar on the Border, vol. i, 309. 

»T» Official Records, vol. xiii, 512; Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 
1S62, 163. 

*T* Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, 163-164. 
*«0Carruth and Martin to CoflRn, July 25, 1862, ibid,, 160. 



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The March to Tahlequah 145 

that; for, as Wcer had once reported, cattle were a drug 
on the market in the Cherokee country, the prairies 
"covered with thousands of them.""^ The encamp- 
ment on the Verdigris was made forthwith; but it was 
a failure from the start. 

The Indians of the First Regiment showed signs of 
serious demoralization and became unmanageable, 
while a large number of the Second deserted."* It 
was thought that deprivation in the midst of plenty, 
the lack of good water and of the restraining influence 
of white troops had had much to do with the upheaval, 
although there had been much less plundering since 
they left than when they were present. With much of 
truth back of possible hatred and malice, the special 
agents reported that such protection as the white men 
had recently given Indian Territory "would ruin any 
country on earth." ••■ 

With the hope that the morale of the men would be 
restored were they to be more widely distributed and 
their physical conditions improved, Colonel Furnas 
concluded to break camp on the Verdigris and return 
to the Grand. He accordingly marched the Third 
Indian to Pryor Creek •^ but had scarcely done so when 
orders came from Salomon, under cover of his usurped 
authority as commander of the Indian Expedition, for 
him to cross the Grand and advance northeastward to 
Horse Creek and vicinity, there to pitch his tents. The 
new camp was christened Camp Wattles. It extended 
from Horse to Wolf Creek and constituted a point from 
which the component parts of the Indian Brigade did 

**^ Weer to MooDlight, July la, t%62, 

*"* Purnat to Blunt, July 35, i%6%. 

*** Commisflioner of Indian Affairs, Report, t%6%^ 160- 161. 

*** Named in honor of Nathaniel Pryor of the Lewis and Clark expedition 
and of general frontier fame, and, therefore, incorrectly called Prior Creek 
in Pumas's report 



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146 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

extensive scouting for another brief period. In reality^ 
Furnas was endeavoring to hold the whole of the In- 
dian country north of the Arkansas and south of the 
border/** 

Meanwhile, Salomon had established himself in the 
neighborhood of Hudson's Crossing, at what he called, 
Camp Quapaw. The camp was on Quapaw land. His 
idea was, and he so communicated to Blunt, that he had 
selected ''the most commanding point in this (the trans- 
Missouri) country not only from a military view as a 
key to the valleys of Spring River, Shoal Creek, Neo- 
sho, and Grand River, but also as the only point in this 
country now where an army could be sustained with a 
limited supply of forage and subsistence, offering am- 
ple grazing ••• and good water." "^ No regular inves- 
tigation into his conduct touching the retrograde move- 
ment, such as justice to Weer would seem to have de- 
manded, was made."* He submitted the facts to Blunt 
and Blunt, at first alarmed *** lest a complete abandon- 
ment of Indian Territory would result, acquiesced *•• 
when he found that the Indian regiments were holding 
their own there.*** Salomon, indeed, so far strength- 
ened Furnas's hand as to supply him with ten days 
rations and a section of Allen's battery. 

^^ For accounti of the moveroenu of the Indian Expedition after the oc- 
currence of Salomon's retrograde movement, tee the Dmfy Conservative, 
August 16, 31, 26, 1862. 

•••On the subject of grazing, see Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. 
I, S08. 

»»T Salomon to Blunt, July 2% 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 521. 

••• H. S. Lane called Stanton's attention to the maUer, however, ibid,^ 485. 

•••Blunt to Salomon, August 3, 1862, ibid>, 531-532. 

•••He acquiesced as, perforce, he had to do but he was very far from 
approving. 

••^ In November, Dole reported to Smith that Salomon's retrograde 
movement had caused about fifteen hundred or two thousand additional 
refugees to flee into Kansas. Dole urged that the Indian Expedition should 
be reSnforced and strengthened [Indian OflBce Report Book, no. 12, 503-504]. 



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VI. GENERAL PIKE IN CONTROVERSY 
WITH GENERAL HINDMAN 

The retrograde movement of Colonel Salomon and 
the white auxiliary of the Indian Expedition was pe- 
culiarly unfortunate and ill-timed since, owing to cir- 
cumstances now to be related in detail, the Confederates 
had really no forces at hand at all adequate to repel 
invasion. On the thirty-first of May, as earlier nar- 
rated in this work. General Hindman had written to 
General Pike instructing him to move his entire in- 
fantry force of whites and Woodruffs single six-gun 
battery to Little Rock without delay. In doing this, 
he admitted that, while it was regrettable that Pike's 
force in Indian Terriory should be reduced, it was im- 
perative that Arkansas should be protected, her danger 
being imminent. He further ordered, that Pike should 
supply the command to be sent forward with subsistence 
for thirty days, should have the ammunition trans- 
ported in wagons, and should issue orders that not a 
single cartridge be used on the journey.*** 

To one of Pike's proud spirit, such orders could be 
nothing short of galling. He had collected his force 
and everything he possessed appertaining to it at the 
cost of much patience, much labor, much expense. Un- 
tiring vigilance had alone made possible the formation 
of his brigade and an unselfish willingness to advance 
his own funds had alone furnished it with quarter- 
master and commissary stores. McCulloch and Van 

•»« official Records, vol. xiii, 934. 



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148 The In dian as Participant in the Civil War 

Dorn*" each in turn had diverted his supplies from 
their destined course, yet he had borne with it all, un- 
complainingly. He had even broken faith with the 
Indian nations at Van Dorn*s instance; for, contrary 
to the express terms of the treaties that he had ne- 
gotiated, he had taken the red men across the border, 
without their express consent, to fight in the Pea Ridge 
campaign. And with what result? Base ingratitude 
on the part of Van Dorn, who, in his oflicial report of 
the three day engagement, ignored the help rendered *•* 
and left Pike to bear the stigma *•* of Indian atrocities 
alone. 

With the thought of that ingratitude still rankling 
in his breast. Pike noted additional features of Hind- 
man*s first instructions to him, which were, that he 
should advance his Indian force to the northern border 
of Indian Territory and hold it there to resist invasion 
from Kansas. He was expected to do this unsupported 

***Vaxi Dora would seem to have been a grots offender in this respect 
Similar charges were made against him by other men and on other oc- 
casions [Oficial Records, vol. liii, supplement, 825]. 

*^ It was matter of conmion report that Van Dorn despised Pike's Indians 
ObiiL, vol. xiii, 814-816]. The entire Arkansas delegation in Congress, with 
the exception of A. H. Garland, testified to Van Dora's aversion for the 
Indians libiJ., 815]. 

**' How great was that stigma can be best understood from the following: 

"The horde of Indians scampered off to the mountains from whence they 
had come, having murdered and scalped many of the Union wounded. 
General Pike, their leader, led a feeble band to the heights of Big Mountain, 
near Elk Horn, where he was of no use to the battle of the succeeding day, 
and whence he fled, between roads, through the woods, disliked by the 
Confederates and detested by the Union men; to be known in history as a 
son of New Hampshire -a poet who sang of flowers and the beauties of 
the sunset skies, the joys of love and the hopes of the soul - and yet one who, 
in the middle of the 19th century, led a merciless, scalping, murdering, un- 
controllable horde of half-tame savages in the defense of slavery -them- 
selves slave-holders- against that Union his own native State was then 
supporting, and against the flag of liberty. He scarcely struck a blow in 
open fight . . His service was servile and corrupt; his flight was ab- 
ject, and his reward disgrace." - IPtfr Papers and Personal Recollections of 
the Missouri Commandery, 333. 



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General Pike and General Hindman 149 

by white troops, the need of which, for moral as well as 
for physical strength, he had always insisted upon. 

It is quite believable that Van Dorn was the person 
most responsible for Hindman's interference with Pike, 
although, of course, the very seriousness and desper- 
ateness of Hindman's situation would have impelled 
him to turn to the only place where ready help was to 
be had. Three days prior to the time that Hindman 
had been assigned to the Trans-Mississippi Depart- 
ment, Roane, an old antagonist of Pike*** and the 
commander to whose immediate care Van Dorn had 
confided Arkansas,**^ had asked of Pike at Van Dom*8 
suggestion *•* all the white forces he could spare, Roane 
having practically none of his own. Pike had refused 
the request, if request it was, and in refusing it, had 
represented how insufficient his forces actually were 
for purposes of his own department and how exceeding- 
ly difficult had been the task, which was his and his 
alone, of getting them together. At the time of writ- 
ing he had not a single dollar of public money for his 
army and only a very limited amount of ammunition 
and other supplies.*** 

Pike received Hindman's communication of May 31 
late in the afternoon of June 8 and he replied to it that 
same evening immediately after he had made arrange- 
ments***^ for complying in part with its requirements. 
The reply **^ as it stands in the records today is a strong 
indictment of the Confederate management of Indian 

*^Pike had fought a duel with Roane, Roaue having challenged him 
because he had dared to criticize hit conduct in the Mexican War [Hallum, 
Biographical and Pictorial History of Arkansas, vol. i, 129; Confederate 
Miiitary History, vol. x, 99]. 

»»^ Maury to Roane, May 11, 186a, Official Records, vol. xiii, Zzj, 

»»» Maury to Pike, May 19, 1863, ibid. 

■••Pike to Roane, June i, 1863, ibid., 935-936. 

*•• General Orders, June 8, 1863, ibid., 943. 

^•^Pike to Hindman, June 8, 1862, ibid., 936-943. 



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150 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

affairs in the West and should be dealt with analytical- 
ly, yet also as a, whole; since no paraphrase, no mere 
synopsis of contents could ever do the subject justice. 
From the facts presented, it is only too evident that 
very little had been attempted or done by the Rich- 
mond authorities for the Indian regiments. Neither 
officers nor men had been regularly or fully paid. And 
not all the good intentions, few as they were, of the 
central government had been allowed realization. 
They had been checkmated by the men in control west 
of the Mississippi. In fact, the army men in Arkansas 
had virtually exploited Pike's command, had appro- 
priated for their own use his money, his supplies, and 
had never permitted anything to pass on to Indian Ter- 
ritory, notwithstanding that it had been bought with 
Indian funds, "that was fit to be sent anywhere else." 
The Indian's portion was the "refuse," as Pike so truly, 
bitterly, and emphatically put it, or, in other words of 
his, the "crumbs" that fell from the white man's table. 

Pike's compliance with Hindman's orders was only 
partial and he offered not the vestige of an apology that 
it was so. What he did send was Dawson's *** infantry 
regiment and Woodruff's battery which went duly on 
to Little Rock with the requisite thirty days* subsistence 
and the caution that not a single cartridge was to be 
fired along the way. The caution Pike must have re- 
peated in almost ironical vein; for the way to Little 
Rock lay through Indian Territory and cartridges like 
everything else under Pike's control had been collected 
solely for its defense. 

Respecting the forward movement of the Indian 
troops. Pike made not the slightest observation in his 

^<^*C. L. Dawson of the Nineteenth Regiment of Arkantat Volunteers 
had joined Pike at Port McOilloch in April [Fort Smith Papers]. 



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General Pike and General Hindman 151 

reply. His silence was ominous. Perhaps it was in- 
tended as a warning to Hindman not to encroach too 
far upon his department; but that is mere conjecture; 
inasmuch as Pike had not yet seen fit to question out- 
right Hindman's authority over himself. As if antic- 
ipating an echo from Little Rock of criticisms that 
were rife elsewhere, he ventured an explanation of his 
conduct in establishing himself in tfie extreme south- 
ern part of Indian Territory and towards the west and 
in fortifying on an open prairie, far from any recog- 
nized base.*** He had gone down into the Red River 
country, he asserted, in order to be near Texas where 
supplies might be had in abundance and where, since 
he had no means of defence, he would be safe from 
attack. He deplored the seeming necessity of merging 
his department in another and larger one. His reasons 
were probably many but the one reason he stressed 
was, for present purposes, the best he could have offer- 
ed. It was, that the Indians could not be expected to 
render to him as a subordinate the same obedience they 
had rendered to him as the chief officer in command. 
Were his authority to be superseded in any degree, the 
Indians would naturally infer that his influence at 
Richmond had declined, likewise his power to protect 
them and their interests. 

During the night Pike must have pondered deeply 

^<^*Hi8 enemiet were ptiticularly scornful of hit work id this regard. 
They poked fun at him on every possible occasion. Edwards, in Shelby and 
His Men, 6$, but echoed the general criticism, 

'Tike, also a Brigadier, had retreated with his Indian contingent out of 
North West Arkansas, unpursued, through the Cherokee country, the Chicka- 
saw country, and the country of the Choctaws, two hundred and fifty miles 
to the southward, only halting on the 'Little Blue', an unknown thread of 
a stream, twenty miles from Red river, where he constructed fortifications 
on the open prairie, erected a saw-mill remote from any timber, and devoted 
himself to gastronomy and poetic meditation, with elegant accompani- 
ments. . /' 



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152 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

over things omitted from his reply to Hindman and 
over all that was wanting to make his compliance with 
Hindman's instructions full and satisfactory. On the 
ninth, his assistant-adjutant, O. F. Russell, prepared a 
fairly comprehensive report *** of the conditions in and 
surrounding his command. Pikers force,**' so the re- 
port stated, was anything but complete. With Daw- 
son gone, there would be in camp, of Arkansas troops, 
one company of cavalry and one of artillery and, of 
Texas, two companies of cavalry. When men, fur- 
loughed for the wheat harvest, should return, there 
would be "in addition two regiments and one company 
of cavalry, and one company of artillery, about 80 
strong."*^ The withdrawal of white troops from the 
Territory would be interpreted by the Indians to n>ean 
its abandonment. 
Of the Indian contingent, Russell had this to say: 
The two Cherokee regiments are near the Kansas line, 
operating on that frontier. Col. Stand Watie has recently 
had a skirmish there, in which, as always, he and his men 
fought gallantly, and were successful. Col. D. N. Mcintosh's 
Creek Regiment is under orders to advance up the Verdigris, 
toward the Santa Yi road. Lieut. Col. Chilly Mcintosh's 
Creek Battalion, Lieut. Col. John Jumper's Seminole Battalion, 
and Lieut. Col. J. D. Harris' Chickasaw Battalion are under 
orders, and part of them now in motion toward the Salt Plains, 
to take Fort Larned, the post at Walnut Creek, and perhaps 
Fort Wise, and intercept trains going to New Mexico. The 
First Choctaw (new)^^^ Regiment, of Col. Sampson Folsom, 
and the Choctaw Battalion (three companies), of Maj. Simp- 
son (N.) Folsom, are at Middle Boggy, 23 miles northeast of 
this point. They were under orders to march northward to 

*<>* Oficial Records, vol xiii, 943-945. 
408 por tabulated showing of Pike's brigade, see ibid., 831. 
40< Compare Russell's statement with Hindmao's [ibid,, 30]. See also 
Maury to Price, March 22, 1862 [ibid,, vol. viii, 798]. 
4<>7 The parentheses appear here as in the original. 



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General Pike and General Hindman 153 

the Salt Plains and Santa Fe road; but the withdrawal of 
Colonel Dawson's regiment prevents that, and the regiment 
is now ordered to take position here, and the battalion to 
march to and take position at Camp Mcintosh, 17 miles this 
side of Fort Cobb, where, with Hart's Spies, 40 in number, 
it will send out parties to the Wichita Mountains and up the 
False Wichita, and prevent, if possible, depredations on the 
frontier of Texas. 

The First Choctaw and Chickasaw Regiment, of Col. Doug- 
las H. Cooper, goes out of service on the 25th and 26th of 
July. It is now encamped 11 miles east of here. . . The 
country to the westward is quiet, all the Comanches this side 
of the Staked Plains being friendly, and the Kiowas ^^' having 
made peace, and selected a home to live at on Elk Creek, not 
far from the site of Camp Radziwintski, south of the Wichita 
Mountains. 

The Indian troops have been instructed, if the enemy *^' in- 
vades the country, to harass him, and impede his progress by 
every possible means, and, falling back here as he advances, to 
assist in holding this position against him. 

Included in Russell's report there might well have 
been much interesting data respecting the condition of 
the troops that Pike was parting with ; for it can scarce- 
ly be said that he manifested any generosity in sending 
them forth. He obeyed the letter of his order and 
ignored its spirit. He permitted no guns to be taken 
out of the Territory that had been paid for with money 
that he had furnished. Dawson's regiment had not its 
full quota of men, but that was scarcely Pike's fault. 
Neither was it his fault that its equipment was so sadly 
below par that it could make but very slow progress 
on the nine hundred mil^ ma^ch between Fort McCul- 
loch and Little Rock. Moreover, the health of the 

<<>^Pike had just received assurances of the friendly disposition of the 
Kiowas [Biclcel to Pilte, June i, 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 936]. 

^<^*The enemy in mind was the Indian Expedition. Pike had heard that 
Sturgis had been removed "on account of his tardiness in not invading the 
Indian country. . ." \lbid.y 944]. 



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154 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

men was impaired, their duties, especially the "fort 
duties, throwing up intrenchments, etc.,""^ had been 
very fatiguing. Pike had no wagons to spare them for 
the trip eastward. So many of his men had obtained 
furloughs for the harvest season and every company, 
in departing, had taken with it a wagon,*" no one hav- 
ing any thought that there would come a call decreas- 
ing Pikers command. 

So slowly and laboriously did Dawson's regiment 
progress that Hindman, not hearing either of it or of 
Woodruffs battery, which was slightly in advance, 
began to have misgivings as to the fate of his orders of 
May 31. He, therefore, repeated them in substance, 
on June 17, with the additional specific direction that 
Pike should "move at once to Fort Gibson." That 
order Pike received June 24, the day following his 
issuance of instructions to his next in command, Colonel 
D. H. Cooper, that he should hasten to the country 
north of the Canadian and there take command of all 
forces except Chief Jumper's. 

The receipt of Hindman's order of June 17 was 
the signal for Pike to pen another lengthy letter*" 
of description and protest. Interspersed through it 
were his grievances, the same that were recited in the 
letter of June 8, but now more elaborately dwelt upon. 
Pike was getting irritable. He declared that he had 
done all he could to expedite the movement of his 
troops. The odds were unquestionably against him. 
His Indians were doing duty in different places. Most 
of the men of his white cavalry force were off on fur- 
lough. Their furloughs would not expire until the 

410 Dawson to Hindman, June 20, 1862, Oficial Records^ vol. xiii, 945-946. 
^^^ Dawson had allowed his wagons to go "of his own motion" [Pike to 
Hindman, June 24, 1862, ibid,^ 947]. 
41S — Ibid,, 947-95a 



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General Pike and General Hindman 155 

twenty-fifth and not until the twenty-seventh could they 
be proceeded against as deserters. Not until that date, 
too, would the reorganization, preliminary to march- 
ing, be possible. He was short of transportation and 
half of what he had was unserviceable. 

Of his available Indian force, he had made what 
disposition to him seemed best. He had ordered the 
newly-organized First Choctaw Regiment, under Col- 
onel Sampson Folsom, to Fort Gibson and had as- 
signed Cooper to the command north of the Cana- 
dian, which meant, of course, the Cherokee country. 
Cooper's own regiment was the First Choctaw and 
Chickasaw, of which, two companies, proceeding from 
Scullyville, had already posted themselves in the upper 
part of the Indian Territory, where also were the two 
Cherokee regiments, Watie's and Drew's. The re- 
maining eight companies of the First Choctaw and 
Chickasaw were encamped near Fort McCulloch and 
would have, before moving elsewhere, to await the re- 
organization of their regiment, now near at hand. 
However, Cooper was not without hope that he could 
effect reorganization promptly and take at least four 
companies to join those that had just come from Scul- 
lyville. There were six companies in the Chickasaw 
Battalion, two at Fort Cobb and four on the march to 
Fort McCulloch; but they would all have to be left 
within their own country for they were averse to mov- 
ing out of it and were in no condition to move. The 
three companies of the Choctaw Battalion would also 
have to be left behind in the south for they had no 
transportation with which to effect a removal. The 
Creek commands, D. N. Mcintosh's Creek Regiment, 
Chilly Mcintosh's Creek Battalion, and John Jumper's 
Seminole Battalion, were operating in the west, along 



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156 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

the Santa Fc Trail and towards Forts Larncd and Wise. 
June 17 might be said to mark the beginning of the 
real controversy between Pike and Hindman ; for, on 
that day, not only did Hindman reiterate the order to 
hurry that aroused Pike's ire but he encroached upon 
Pike's prerogative in a financial particular that was 
bound, considering Pike's experiences in the past, to 
make for trouble. Interference with his commissary 
Pike was determined not to brook, yet, on June 17, 
Hindman put N. Bart Pearce in supreme control at 
Fort Smith as commissary, acting quartermaster, and 
acting ordnance officer/" His jurisdiction was to ex- 
tend over northwestern Arkansas and over the Indian 
Territory. Now Pike had had dealings already with 
Pearce and thought that he knew too well the limits of 
his probity. Exactly when Pike heard of Pearce's pro- 
motion is not quite clear; but, on the twenty-third, 
Hindman sent him a conciliatory note explaining that 
his intention was "to stop the operations of the commis- 
saries of wandering companies in the Cherokee Na- 
tion, who" were "destroying the credit of the Confed- 
eracy by the floods of certificates they" issued and not 
"to restrict officers acting under" Pike's orders. *" All 
very well, but Pearce had other ideas as to the func- 
tions of his office and lost no time in apprising various 
people of them. His notes*" to Pike's officers were 
most impertinently prompt. They were sent out on the 
twenty-fourth of June and on the twenty-sixth Pike re- 
ported*** the whole history of his economic embarrass- 
ments to the Secretary of War.*" 

*i» Official Records^ vol. xiii, 967. 
416 — Ibid,, 968, 968-969, 969. 

M^llfid,^ 841-844. 

^^t George W. Randolph. 



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General Pike and General Hindman 157 

His indignation must have been immense ; but wheth- 
er righteously so or not, it was for others higher up to 
decide. That Pike had some sort of a case against the 
men in Arkansas there can be no question. The tale 
he told Secretary Randolph was a revelation such as 
would have put ordinary men, if involved at all, to 
deepest shame. Hindman, perforce, was the victim of 
accumulated resentment; for he, personally, had done 
only a small part of that of which Pike complained. 
In the main. Pike's report simply furnished particulars 
in matters, such as the despoiling him of his hard-won 
supplies, of which mention has already been made ; and 
his chief accusation was little more than hinted at, the 
gist of it being suggested in some of his concluding 
sentences : 

• • . I struggled for a good while before I got rid of 
the curse of dependence for subsistence, transportation, and 
forage on officers at Fort Smith. I cannot even get from that 
place the supplies I provide myself and hardly my own private 
stores. My department quartermaster ,and commissary are 
fully competent to purchase what we need, and I mean they 
shall do it. I have set my face against all rascality and swind- 
ling and keep contractors in wholesome fear, and have made 
it publicly known by advertisement that I prefer to purchase 
of the farmer and producer and do not want any contractors 
interposed between me and them. My own officers will con- 
tinue to purchase subsistence, transportation, forage, and what- 
ever else I need until I am ordered to the contrary by you, 
and when that order comes it will be answered by my resigna- 
tion. Mr. White's **• contract will not be acted under here. 
I have beef enough on hand and engaged, and do not want 
any from him. I have had to buy bacon at 20 to 26 cents, 
and he ought to be made to pay every cent of the difference 
between that price and fifteen cents. I ako strenuously object 
to receiving mules or anything else purchased at Fort Smidi. 

4it "George E. White, formerly a partner, I believe, of Senator Oldham of 
Texas . . J'-Oficiai Records, vol. xiii, 84a. 



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158 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

I could get up a mule factory now with the skeletons I have, 
and there are a few miles from here 600 or 800 sent up by 
Major Clark **• in even a worse plight. 

I know nothing about Major Pearce as a quartermaster 
nor of any right Major-General Hindman has to make him 
one. He is an assistant commissary of subsistence, with the 
rank of major, and Major Quesenbury, my brigade or depart- 
ment quartermaster, is major by an older commission. . . 

While I am here there will be no fine contracts for mules, 
hay, keeping of mules, beef on the hoof at long figures, or 
ansrthing of the kind. Fort Smith is very indignant at this, 
and out of this grief grows the anxious desire of many patriots 
to see me resign the command of this country or be re- 
moved. . .*** 

Subsequent communications*" from Pike to Ran- 
dolph reported the continued despoiling of his com- 
mand and the persistent infringement of Pearce upon 
his authority, in consequence of which, the Indians 
were suffering from lack of forage, medicines, cloth- 
ing, and food.*" Pearce, in his turn, reported*" to 
Hindman Pike's obstinacy and intractability and he 
even cast insinuations against his honesty. Pike was 
openly defying the man who claimed to be his superior 
officer, Hindman. He was resisting his authority at 
every turn and had already boldly declared,"* with 
special reference to Clarkson, of course, that 

No officer of the Missouri State Guard, whatever his rank, 
unless he has a conunand adequate to his rank, can ever exer- 
cise or assume any military authority in the Indian country, 
and much less assume command of any Confederate troops or 

*»» George W. Clark, Oficial Records, vol. xiii. 

**® For an equally vigorous statement on this score, see Pike to Randolph, 
June 30^ i86a [ibid., 849]. 

M^Itid,, 846-847, 848-849, 850-851, 85a. 

"•Chilly Mcintosh to Pike, June 9, 186a, ibid., 853; Pike to Chilly 
Mcintosh, July 6, i86a, ibid., 853-854. 

"•July 5. i86a [ibid., 96S-965]; July 8, i86a [ibid., 965-967]. 

^t^^Ibid., 84^-845. 



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General Pike and General Hindman 159 

compare rank with any officer in the Confederate service. The 
conunisuoned colonels of Indian regiments rank precisely as if 
they commanded regiments of white men, and will be respected 
and obeyed accordingly. 

With the same confidence in the justness of his own 
cause, he called **• Pearce's attention to an act of Con- 
gress which seemed "to have escaped his observation," 
and which Pike considered conclusively proved that 
the whole course of action of his enemies was absolutely 
illegal. 

In some of his contentions, General Pike was most 
certainly on strong ground and never on stronger than 
when he argued that the Indians were organized, in a 
military way, for their own protection and for the de- 
fence of their own country. Since first they entered the 
Confederate service, many had been the times that that 
truth had been brought home to the authorities and not 
by Pike **• alone but by several of his subordinates and 
most often by Colonel Cooper."^ The Indians had 
many causes of dissatisfaction and sometimes they mur- 
mured pretty loudly. Not even Pike's arrangements 
satisfied them all and his inexplicable conduct in es- 
tablishing his headquarters at Fort McCulloch was 
exasperating beyond measure to the Cherokees."* Why, 
if he were really sincere in saying that his supreme duty 
was the defence of Indian Territory, did he not place 
himself where he could do something, where, for in- 
stance, he could take precautions against invasions from 

"» Pike to Pearce, July i, i86a, Oficial Records, vol. xiii, 967. 

^MQDe of the best statements of the case by Pike Is to be found in a 
letter from him to Stand Watie, June 37, 1862 [ibid,, 952]. 

4ST Pqi- goni^ of Cooper's statements, illustrative of his position, see hit 
letter to Pike, February 10, 1862 [ibid., 896] and that to Van Dora, May 
6, 1862 [ibid,, 824]. 

^**It was at the express wish of Sund Watie and Drew that Hindman 
placed Clarkson in the Cherokee country [Carroll to Pike, June 27, 1862, ibid,^ 
95a]. 



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i6o The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Kansas? And why, when the unionist Indian Expedi- 
tion was threatening Fort Gibson, Tahlequah, and 
Cherokee integrity generally, did he not hasten north- 
ward to resist it? Chief Ross, greatly aggrieved be- 
cause of Pike's delinquency in this respect, addressed*" 
himself to Hindman and he did so in the fatal days of 
June. 

In addressing General Hindman as Pike's superior 
officer, John Ross did something more than make repre- 
sentations as to the claims, which his nation in virtue 
of treaty guaranties had upon the South. He urged 
the advisability of allowing the Indians to fight strictly 
on the defensive and of placing them under the com- 
mand of someone who would "enjoy their confidence." 
These two things he would like to have done if the pro- 
tective force, which the Confederacy had promised, 
were not forthcoming. The present was an opportune 
time for the preferring of such a request. At least it 
was opportune from the standpoint of Pike's enemies 
and traducers.*" It fitted into Hindman's scheme of 
things exactly ; for he had quite lost patience, granting 
he had ever had any, with the Arkansas poet. It was 
not, however, within his province to remove him; but 
it was within his power so to tantalize him that he could 
render his position as brigade and department com- 
mander, intolerable. That he proceeded to do. Pike's 
quick sensibilities were not proof against such treat- 
ment and he soon lost his temper. 

His provocations were very great. As was perfectly 

*«»Rot8 to Hindman, June 35, 1863, Official Records^ vol. xiii, 950-951. 
A little while before, Ross had complained, in a similar manner, to President 
Davis {ibid,t 834-835]. 

«*<»Pike had his traducers. The Texans and Arkansans circulated in- 
fanHHis stories about him. See his leference to the same in a letter to 
Hindman, July 3, 1863 [ibid,, 955]. 



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General Pike and General Hind man i6i 

natural, the Confederate defeat at Locust Grove count- 
ed heavily against him.*** On the seventh of July, 
Hindman began a new attack upon him by making 
requisition for his ten Parrott guns.*" They were 
needed in Arkansas. On the eighth of July came an- 
other attack in the shape of peremptory orders, two 
sets of them, the very tone of which was both accusa- 
tory and condemnatory. What was apparently the 
first*" set of orders reached Pike by wire on the 
eleventh of July and commanded him to hurry to Fort 
Smith, travelling night and day, there to take command 
of all troops in the Indian Territory and in Carroll's 
district*" Almost no organization, charged Hindman, 
was in evidence among the Confederate forces in the 
upper Indian country and a collision between the two 
Cherokee regiments was impending. Had he been 
better informed he might have said that there was only 
one of them now in existence. 

The second*" set of orders, dated July 8, was of a 
tenor much the same, just as insulting, just as peremp- 
tory. The only difference of note was the substitution 
of the upper Indian country for Fort Smith as a point 
for headquarters. In the sequel, however, the second 
set proved superfluous; for the first so aroused Pike's 
ire that, immediately upon its receipt, he prepared his 
resignation and sent it to Hindman for transmission 
to Richmond.*" 

Hindman's position throughout this affair was not 

*»i July 3. 

*■« Official Records, vol. xiii, 854. 

*** First, probably only in the sense that it was the first to be received. 
*»* Official Records, vol. xiii, 857. 
4ss_/^iV., 856-857. 

*»*pjke to Hindman, July 15, i86a {ibid,, 858]; Pike to Secretary of 
War, July ao^ i86a {ibid., 856]. 



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1 62 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

destitute of justification.*" One has only to read his 
general reports to appreciate how heavy was the re- 
sponsibility that rested upon him. It was no wonder 
that he resorted to questionable expedients to accom- 
plish his purposes, no wonder that he instituted martial 
law*" in a seemingly refractory country, no wonder 
that he took desperate measures to force Pike to activ-^ 
ity. Pike's leisurely way of attending to business was 
in itself an annoyance and his leisurely way of moving 
over the country was a positive offence. He had been 
ordered to proceed with dispatch to Fort Gibson. The 
expiration of a month and a half found him still at 
Fort McCulloch. He really did not move from thence 
until, having sent in his resignation, he made prepara- 
tions for handing over his command to Colonel Cooper. 
That he intended to do at some point on the Canadian 
and thither he wended his way.*" By the twenty-first 
of July, "he had succeeded in getting as far as Boggy 
Depot, a distance of 25 miles ;*** but then he had not 
left Fort McCulloch until that very morning.**^ 

Pike's definite break with Hindman was, perhaps, 
more truly a consummation of Hindman's wishes than 
of Pike's own. On the third of July, as if regretting his 
previous show of temper, he wrote to Hindman a long 
letter,*** conciliatory in tone throughout. He discussed 
the issues between them in a calm and temperate spirit, 

**^ In September, Hindman declared he had never had any knowledge of 
the order creating Pike's department [Official Records^ vol. xiii, 978]. 

^>>He instituted martial law, June 30, 1862 and, although he believed he 
had precedent in Pike's own procedure. Pike criticized him severely. See Pike 
to J. S. Murrow, Seminole Agent, October 25, 1862, ibid,, 900-902. Hindman 
had authorized Pearce, June 17, 1862, to exercise martial law in the cities 
of Fort Smith and Van Buren and their environs [ibid,, 835]. 

*»»Pike to Hindnun, July 15, 1862. 

**• Hindman's Report [Official Ricords, vol. xiii, 40]. 

**i Pike to the Secretary of War, July 20, 1862 {ibid,, 859]. 

441 — Ibid,, 954-962. 



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General Pike and General Hind man 163 

changing nothing as regarded the facts but showing a 
willingness to let bygones be bygones. Considering 
how great had been his chagrin, his indignation, and 
his poignant sense of ingratitude and wrong, he rose 
to heights really noble. He seemed desirous, even 
anxious, that the great cause in which they were both 
so vitally interested should be uppermost in both their 
minds always and that their differences, which, after 
all, were, comparatively speaking, so very petty, should 
be forgotten forever. It was in the spirit of genuine 
helpfulness that he wrote and also in the spirit of great 
magnanimity. Pike was a man who studied the art of 
war zealously, who knew the rules of European war- 
fare, and a man, who, even in war times, could read 
Napier's Peninsular War and succumb to its charm. 
He was a classicist and a student very much more than 
a man of action. Could those around him, far mean- 
er souls many of them than he, have only known and 
remembered that and, remembering it, have made due 
allowances for his vagaries, all might have been well. 
His generous letter of the third of July failed utterly 
of its mission; but not so much, perhaps, because of 
Hindman's inability to appreciate it or unwillingness 
to meet its writer half-way, as because of the very seri- 
ousness of Hindman's own military situation, which 
made all compromises impossible. The things he felt 
it incumbent upon him to do must be done his way or 
not at all. The letter of July 3 could scarcely have 
been received before the objectionable orders of July 
8 had been planned. 

The last ten days of July were days of constant scout- 
ing on the part of both the Federal and Confederate 
Indians but nothing of much account resulted. Col- 
onel W. A. Phillips of the Third Indian Home Guard, 



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164 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

whose command had been left by Fumas to scout 
around Tahlequah and Fort Gibson, came into colli- 
sion with Stand Watie's force on the twenty-seventh at 
Bayou Bernard, seven miles, approximately, from the 
latter place. The Confederate Cherokecs lost consid- 
erably in dead and prisoners.*** Phillips would have 
followed up his victory by pursuing the foe even to the 
Verdigris had not Cooper, fearing that his forces might 
be destroyed in detail, ordered them all south of the 
Arkansas and thereby circumvented his enemy's de- 
signs. Phillips then moved northward in the direction 
of Furnas's main camp on Wolf Creek.*** 

Pike had his own opinion of Cooper and Watie's 
daring methods of fighting and most decidedly disap- 
proved of their attempting to meet the enemy in the 
neighborhood of Fort Gibson. That part of the In- 
dian Territory, according to his view of things, was not 
capable of supporting an army. He discounted the 
ability of his men to conquer, their equipment be- 
ing so meagre. He, therefore, persisted in advising 
that they should fight only on the defensive. He ad- 
vised that, notwithstanding he had a depreciatory*** 
regard for the Indian Expedition, and, both before and 
after the retrograde movement of Colonel Salomon, 
underestimated its size and strength. He was confi- 
dent that Cooper would have inevitably to fall back to 
the Canadian, where, as he said, "the defensible country 
commences." Pike objected strenuously to the court- 
ing of an open battle and, could he have followed the 
bent of his own inclinations, "would have sent only 

**» Phillips to Furnat, July 27, t86a, Official Records^ vol. xiii, 181-182. 

^* Same to tame, August 6, i86a, ibid,, 183-184. 

*^* Cooper reported that Pike regarded the Indian Expedition as only a 
"jayhawking party," and "no credit due" "for arresting its career" [Cooper 
to Davis, August 8, 1862, ibid,^ vol liii, supplement, 821]. 



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General Pike and General Hindman 165 

small bodies of mounted Indians and white troops to 
the Arkansas."*" 

No doubt it was in repudiation of all responsibility 
for what Cooper and Watie might eventually do that 
he chose soon to bring himself, through a mistaken 
notion of justice and honor, into very disagreeable 
prominence. Discretion was evidently not Pike's car- 
dinal virtue. At any rate, he was quite devoid of it 
when he issued, July 31, his remarkable circular 
address**^ "to the Chiefs and People of the Chero- 
kees, Creeks, Seminoles, Chickasaws, and Choctaws." 
In that address, he notified them that he had resigned 
his post as department commander and dilated upon 
the causes that had moved him to action. He shifted 
all blame for failure to keep faith with the Indian na- 
tions from himself and from the Confederate govern- 
ment to the men upon whom he steadfastly believed it 
ought to rest. He deprecated the plundering that 
would bring its own retribution and begged the red 
men to be patient and to keep themselves true to the 
noble cause they had espoused. 

Remain true, I earnestly advise you, to the Confederate 
States and yourselves. Do not listen to any men who tell you 
that the Southern States will abandon you. They will not do 
it If the enemy has been able to come into the Cherokee 
country it has not been the fault of the President; and it is but 
the fortune of war, and what has happened in Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and even Arkansas. We have not 
been able to keep the enemy from our frontier anywhere; but 
in the interior of our country we can defeat them always. 

Be not discouraged, and remember, above all things, that 
you can have nothing to expect from the enemy. They will 
have no mercy on you, for they are more merciless than wolves 
and more rapacious. Defend your country with what help you 

«^0 Pike to the Secretary of War, July 30^ 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 
859-860. 

^^^^Ibid., 869-871. 



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1 66 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

can get until the President can send you troops. If the enemy 
ever comes to the Canadian he cannot go far beyond that river. 
The war must soon end since the recent victories near Rich- 
mond, and no treaty of peace will be made that will give up 
any part of your country to the Northern States. If I am 
not again placed in command of your country some other offi- 
cer will be in whom you can confide. And whatever may be 
told you about me, you will soon learn that if I have not de- 
fended the whole country it was because I had not the troops 
with which to do it; that I have cared for your interest alone; 
that I have never made you a promise that I did not expect, 
and had not a right to expect, to be able to keep, and that I 
have never broken one intentionally nor except by the fault of 
others. 

The only fair way to judge Pike's farewell address 
to his Indian charges is to consider it in the light of its 
effect upon them, intended and accomplished.*" So 
little reason has the red man had, in the course of his 
long experience with his white brother, to trust him 
that his faith in that white brother rests upon a very 
slender foundation. Pike knew the Indian character 
amazingly well and knew that he must retain for the 
Confederacy the Indian's confidence at all cost. Were 
he to fail in that, his entire diplomatic work would 
have been done in vain. To stay the Cherokees in their 
desertion to the North was of prime necessity. They 
had already gone over in dangerously large numbers 
and must be checked before other tribes followed in 
their wake. .Very possibly Pike had been made aware 

*^* Pike gives this as the eflFect of his proclamation : 

"... it eflFected what I desired. The Choctaw force was immediately 
increased to two full regiments; the Creek force to two regiments 
and two companies; the Seminole force was doubled; the Chicka- 
saws reorganized five companies and a sixth is being made up. The Indians 
looked to me alone, and for me to vindicate myself was to vindicate the 
Government We lost half the Cherokees solely because their moneys and 
supplies were intercepted . . /*-Ibid^ 9<H*905. See also Pike to Holmes, 
December 30, i%6z. Another effect was, the creation of a prejudice self- 
confessed in Genera] Holmes's mind against Pike. 



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General Pike and General Hind man 167 

of Chief Ross's complaint to Hindman. If so, it was 
all important that he should vindicate himself. So 
maligned had he been that his sensitiveness on the score 
of the discharge of his duties was very natural, very 
pardonable. After all he had done for the Confeder- 
acy and for the Indians, it seemed hardly right that he 
should be blamed for all that others had failed to do. 
His motives were pure and could not be honestly im- 
pugned by anybody. The address was an error of 
judgment but it was made with the best of intentions. 
And so the authorities at Richmond seem to have 
regarded it; that is, if the reference in President Davis's 
letter*" to Pike of August 9 is to this affair. Pike 
wrote to the president on the same day that he started 
his address upon its rounds, but that letter,*** in which 
he rehearsed the wrongs he had been forced to endure, 
also those more recently inflicted upon him, did not 
reach Richmond until September 20. His address was 
transmitted by Colonel D. H. Cooper, who had taken 
great umbrage at it and who now charged the author 
with having violated an army regulation, which pro- 
hibited publications concerning Confederate troops.*" 
Davis took the matter under advisement and wrote to 
Pike a mild reprimand. It was as follows : 

Richmond, Va., August 9, 1862. 
Brio. Gen. Albert Pike, 

Camp McCuIIoch, Choctaw Nation: 
General: Your communication of July 3 is at hand. I 
regret the necessity of informing you that it is an impropriety 
for an officer of the Army to address the President through a 
printed circular.*"* Under the laws for the government of 

**» Official Records, vol. liii, supplemeDt,, 822. 

450 — /^iV., vol. xiii, 860-869. 

*•! — Ibid., vol. liii, supplement, 820-821. 

^*lt is possible that the printed circular here referred to was some 
other one that was directly addressed to the president but none such has 
been found. 



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1 68 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

the Army the publication of this circular was a grave military 
ofiFense, and if the purpose was to abate an evil, by making an 
appeal that would be heeded by me, the mode taken was one of 
the slowest and worst that could have been adopted. 

Very lespectfuUy, yours, Jefferson Davis. 

The sympathy of Secretary Randolph was conceiv- 
ably with Pike; for, on the fourteenth of July, he wrote 
assuring him that certain general orders had been sent 
out by the Adjutant and Inspector General's Office 
which were "intended to prevent even the major-gen- 
eral commanding the Trans-Mississippi Department 
from diverting from their legitimate destination (the 
Department of Indian Territory) munitions of war and 
supplies procured by *him' for that department."*** 
That did not prevent Hindman's continuing his per- 
nicious practices, however. On the seventeenth he de- 
manded*" that Pike deliver to him his best battery 
and Pike, discouraged and yet thoroughly beside him- 
self with ill-suppressed rage,*" sent it to him.*" At 
ihe same time he insisted that he be immediately re- 
lieved of his command.**^ He could endure the indig- 
nities to which he was subjected no longer. The order 
for his relief arrived in due course and also directions 
for him to report in person at Hindman's headquar- 
ters.*" He had not then issued his circular; but, as 

^^^ Official Records, vol. xiii, 903; Pike to Holmes, December 30, 1862, 
Pike Paperst Library of the Supreme Council, 330. Pike did not receive 
Randolph's letter of July fourteenth until some time in August and not until 
after he had had an interview with Holmes. See Pike to Holmes, December 
30, 1862. 

*»* Official Records, vol. xiii, 97a 

*»»This is inferred from the very peculiar General Orders that issued 
from Fort McCulloch that selfsame day. They were sarcastic in the ex- 
treme. No general in his right senses would have issued them. They are 
to be found, ibid., 970-973. 

^M-^Ibid^ 973, 974. 

4ir^nU., 973. 

*"* Pike to Hindman, July 31, 1862, ibid., 973. 



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General Pike and General Hindman 169 

soon as he had, the whole situation changed. He had 
deliberately put himself in the wrong and into the hands 
of his enemies. The address was, in some respects, the 
last act of a desperate *•• man. And there is no doubt 
that General Pike was desperate. Reports were 
spreading in Texas that he was a defaulter to the gov- 
ernment and, as he himself in great bitterness of spirit 
said, "The incredible villainy of a slander so monstrous, 
and so without even any ground for suspicion," was 
"enough to warn every honest man not to endeavor to 
serve his country." *•* 

Not until August 6 did General Pike's circular ad- 
dress reach Colonel D. H. Cooper, who was then at 
Cantonment Davis. Cooper wisely suppressed all the 
copies he could procure and then, believing Pike to be 
either insane or a traitor, ordered his arrest,*** sending 
out an armed force for its accomplishment. Hindman, 
as soon as notified, "indorsed and approved" his ac- 
tion.*** This is his own account of what he did : 

. • . I approved his action, and ordered General Pike 
sent to Litde Rock in custody. I also forwarded Colonel 
Cooper's letter to Richmond, with an indorsement, asking to 
withdraw my approval of General Pike's resignation, that I 
might bring him before a court-martial on charges of false- 
hood, cowardice, and treason. He was also h'able to the 
penalties prescribed by section 29 of the act of Congress regu- 
lating intercourse with the Indians and to preserve peace on 
the frontiers, approved April 8, 1862. . • 
But his resignation had been accepted. . .^' 

^* And yet, August x, 1862, Pike wrote to Davis one of the sanest papers 
he ever prepared. It was full of sage advice as to the policy that ought 
to be pursued in Indian Territory [Official Records^ vol. xiii, 871-874]. 

^^ Pike to S. Cooper, August 3, 1862, ibid., 975. See also Pike to Newton, 
August 3, 1862, ibid,, 976. 

^^^ D. H. Cooper to Hindman, August 7, 1862, ibid,, 977. 

^* Pike to Anderson, October 26, 1862, ibid,, 903. 

*^* Hindnuin's Report, ibid,, 41. 



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VIL ORGANIZATION OF THE ARKANSAS 
AND RED RIVER SUPERINTENDENCY 

The mismanagement of southern Indian affairs of 
which General Pike so vociferously complained was 
not solely or even to any great degree attributable to 
indifference to Indian interests on the part of the Con- 
federate government and certainly not at all to any lack 
of appreciation of the value of the Indian alliance or of 
the strategic importance of Indian Territory. The 
perplexities of the government were unavoidably great 
and its control over men and measures, removed from 
the seat of its immediate influence, correspondingly 
small. It was n ot Jo be expe cted that it wo uld or 
coalA^glYf^thc A^5}e c wn^^ attentio , 

on the frontier as to, those nearer the^seabpard,^^^^ 
was, aiter_{ill|^ .eaj?t ^pf ^ thj£^Missi88^ 
iight for political separation from the North would 
have to be made. 

The Confederate government had started out well. 
It had dealt with jthcJLndiaajaations on a basis of dig- 
""mty^nd^ 

circumstance that Indiaaaffairs .were at^first under the 

"S Ste^ Department with Toom bs at jts hcadj*^ and, in 

this connection, let it be recalled that it was under 

authority of the State Department that Pike had en- 

^^Toombt did not long hold the portfolio. Among the Pickett Papers^ 
is a letter from Davis to Toombs, July 24, i86x, accepting with regret hit 
resignation [Package 89]. 



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172 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

tered upon his mission as diplomatic agent to the tribes 
west of Arkansas.*" Subsequently, and, indeed, before 
Pike had nearly completed his work, Indian affairs 
were transferred *•• to the direction of the Secretary of 
War and a bureau created in his department for the 
exclusive consideration of them, Hubbard receiving the 
post of commissioner.*" 

The Provisional Congress approached the task of 
dealing with Indian matters as if it already had a big 
grasp on the subject and intended, at the outset, to give 
them careful scrutiny and to establish, with regard to 
them, precedents of extreme good faith. Among the 

*** Id eridence of this, note, in addition to the material publiihed in Abel, 
The American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist, the following letters, 
the first from Robert Toombs to L. P. Walker, Secretary of War, dated 
Richmond, August 7, 1861 ; and the second from William M. Browne, Acting 
Secretary of Stat^ to Walker, September 4, 1861 : 

I. "I have the honor to inform you that under a resolution of Congress, 
authorizing the President to send a Commissioner to the Indian tribes west 
of Arkansas and south of Kansas, Mr. Albert Pike of Arkansas was ap- 
pointed such Commissioner under an autograph letter of the President giving 
him very large discretion as to the expenses of his mission. Subsequent to 
the adoption of the resolution, above named. Congress passed a law placing 
the Indian Affairs under the control of your Department and consequently 
making the expenses of Mr. Pike and all other Indian Agents, properly 
payable out of the appropriation at your disposal for the service of the 
Indian Bureau." - Pickett Papers, Package 106, Domestic Letters, Department 
of State, vol. i, p. 86. 

a. 'The accompanying letters and reports from Commissioner Albert 
Pike addressed to your Department are respectfully referred to you, the af- 
fairs to which they relate being under your supervision and controV*^ Ibid,, 

p. 93. 

*^^A re-transfer to the State Department was proposed as early as the 
next November [Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States, 489]. 

^^^ President Davis recommended the creation of the bureau, March la, 
1861 [Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, vol. i, p. 58: 
Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States, vol. i, p. 14a]. On the 
sixteenth, he nominated David Hubbard of Alabama for commissioner 
[Pickett Papers, Package 88]. The bill for the creation of the bureau of 
Indian Affairs was signed the selfsame day [Journal, vol. i, 151]. S. S. 
Scott became Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs before the year was 
out 



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The Arkansas and Red River Superintendency 173 

things *•• it considered and in some cases favorably dis- 
posed of were, the treaties of amity and alliance ne- 
gotiated by Albert Pike, the transfer of Indian trust 

4e8Xhe preliminaries of the negotiations with the Indians have not been 
enumerated here, although they might well have been. On the twentieth of 
February, z86i, W. P. Chilton of Alabama offered a resolution to inquire into 
the expediency of opening negotiations [Journal^ vol. i, 70]. March 4, 
Toombs urged that a special agent be sent and offered a resolution to that 
effect [ibid,, 105]. The day following, Congress passed the resolution [ibid,, 
X07]: but left the powers and duties of the special agent, or commissioner, 
undefined. Davis appointed Pike to the position and, after Congress had 
expressed its wishes regarding the mission in the act of May ai, x86x, had a 
copy of the act transmitted to him as his instructions [Richardson, vol. i, 

H9]- 

The act of May ax, i86x, carried a blanket appropriation of $100,000, which 
was undoubtedly used freely by Pike for purposes connected with the suc- 
cessful prosecution of his mission. In December, the Provisional Congress 
appropriated money for carrying into effect the Pike treaties. The following 
letter is of interest in connection therewith : « 

Richmond, Va., tf December x86i. 
Sot: On the xst or and of August z86i, after I had made Treaties 
with the Creeks and Seminoles, I authorized James M. C. Smith, a 
resident citizen of the Creek Nation, to raise and command a company 
of Creek Volunteers, to be stationed at the North Fork Village, in the 
Creek country, on the North Fork of the Canadian, where the great 
road from Missouri to Texas crosses that river, to act as a police 
force, watch and apprehend disaffected persons, intercept improper 
conmiunications, and prevent the driving of cattle to Kansas. 

The Company was soon after raised, and has remained in the 
service ever since. At my appointment George W. Stidham acted as 
Quartermaster and Commissary for it, and without funds from the 
Government, has supplied it 

By the Treaty with the Seminoles, made on the xst of August, they 
agreed to furnish, and I agreed to receive, five companies of mounted 
volunteers of that Nation. Two companies, and perhaps more, were 
raised, and have since been received, I understand, by Col. Cooper, 
and with Captain Smith'a company employed in putting down the dis- 
affected party among the Creeks. Under my appointment, Hugh Mc- 
Donald has acted as Quartermaster and Commissary for the Seminole 
companies, and made purchases without funds from the Government. 
After I had made the Treaties with the Reserve Indians and 
Comanches, in August x86x, Fort Cobb being about to be abandoned 
by the Texan Volunteers who had held it, I authorized M. Leeper, the 
Wichita agent, to enlist a small force, of twenty or twenty-five men, 
under a Lieutenant, for the security of the Agency. He enlisted, 



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174 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

funds from the United to the Confederate States gov- 
ernment/** the payment of Indian troops and their 
pensioning.*^** Its disposition to be grateful and gen- 
erous came out in the honor which it conferred upon 
John Jumper, the Seminole chief.*'* 

A piece of very fundamental work the Provisional 
Congress did not have time or opportunity to complete. 

I learn, only some fifteen, and he has had them for some time in the 
service. 

I also appointed a person named McKuska, formerly a soldier, to 
take charge of what further property remained at Fort Cobb, and 
employed another person to assist him, agreeing that the former should 
be paid as Ordnance Sergeant, and the latter as private; and direct- 
ing the Contractor for the Indians to issue to the former two rations, 
and to the latter one. 

In consequence of the collection of some force of disaffected Creeks 
and others, and an apprehended attack by them, Col. Douglas H. 
Cooper called for troops from all the Nations, and I understand that 
several companies were organized and marched to join his regiment I 
think they are still in the service. 

I am now empowered to receive all the Indians who offer to enter 
the service. To induce them to enlist, what is already owing them 
must be paid; and I earnestly hope that Congress will pass the bill 
introduced for that purpose. Respectfully your obedient servant 

Albert Pikb, Brig. Genl CommO Dep^ of Ind, Tirtif. 
Hon. W. Miles, Chairman Com. on Mil. Affs. 
[War Department, Office of the Adjutant-General, Archives Division^ Con- 
fidirate RecordsJ] 

*•• Journal, vol. i, 650^ 74s, 761. The Confederate government took, in the 
main, a just, reasonable, and even charitable view on the subject of the 
assumption of United States obligations. Pike had exceeded his instructions 
in promising the Indians that monetary obligations would be so assumed. 
See his letter to Randolph, June 30, i86a. 

^^<>This matter went over into the regular Congress, which began its 
work, February 18, 1862. For details of the bill for pensions see Journal, 
vol. i, 4S, 79. 

4n **Thi Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That the 
President of the Confederate States be authorized to present to Hemha Micco, 
or John Jumper, a commission, conferring upon him the honorary title of 
Lieutenant Colonel of the army of the Confederate States, but without creat- 
ing or imposing the duties of actual service or conmiand, or pay, as a com- 
plimentary mark of honor, and a token of good will and confidence in his 
friendship, good faith, and loyalty to this goveriment . . ."-Statutes at 
Large of the Prowional Government, 284. 



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The Arkansas and Red River Superintendency 175 

That work was, the establishment of a superintendency 
of Indian AflFairs in the west that should be a counter- 
part, in all essentials, of the old southern superinten- 
dency, of which Elias Rector had been the incumbent. 
Elias Rector and the agents*" under him, all of whom, 
with scarcely a single exception, had gone over to the 
Confederacy, had been retained, not under authority of 
law, but provisionally. The intention was to organize 
the superintendency as soon as convenient and give all 
employees their proper official status. Necessarily, a 
time came when it was most expedient for army men to 
exercise the ordinary functions of Indian agents ; *" but 
even that arrangement was to be only temporary. With- 
out doubt, the enactment of a law for the establishment 
of a superintendency of Indian affairs was unduly de- 
layed by the prolonged character of Pike's diplomatic 
mission. The Confederate government evidently did 
not anticipate that the tribes with which it sought alli- 
ance would be so slow*'* or so wary in accepting the 
protectorate it offered. Not until January 8, 1862, did 
the Provisional Congress have before it the proposition 
for superintendency organization. The measure was 
introduced by Robert W. Johnson of Arkansas and it 

^*' Quite early a resolution was submitted that had in view "the ap- 
pointment of agents to the different tribes of Indians occupying territory 
adjoining this Confederacy . . ." [Journal^ vol. i, 8i.] 

^"^^ Journal, vol. i, 245. 

^^*Pike was not prepared beforehand for so extended a mission. In 
November, he wrote to Benjamin, notifying him that he was enclosing "an 
account in blank for my services as commissioner to the Indian nations west 
of Arkansas. 

"It was not my intention to accept any remuneration, but the great length 
of time during which I found it necessary to remain in the Indian Country 
caused me such losses and so interfered with my business that I am con- 
strained unwillingly to present this account I leave it to the President or to 
Congress to fix the sum that shall be paid me. . ."-Pikb to Benjamin, 
November 35, 1861, Pickett Paper s^ Package 118. 



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176 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

went in succession to the Judiciary and Indian AflFairs 
committees; but never managed to get beyond the com- 
mittee stage/" 

February 18, 1862, saw the beginning of the first ses- 
sion of the first congress that met under the Confederate 
constitution. Six days thereafter, Johnson, now senator 
from Arkansas, again took the initiative in proposing 
the regular establishment of an Indian superintend- 
ency.*" As Senate Bill No. 3, his measure was referred 
to the Committee^" on Indian AflFairs and, on March 
II, reported back with amendments,*" Meanwhile, 
the House was considering a bill of similar import, in- 
troduced on the third by Thomas B. Hanly, likewise 
from Arkansas.*" On the eighteenth, it received Sen- 
ate Bill No. 3 and substituted it for its own, passing 
the same on April Fool's day. The bill was signed by 
the president on April 8.*^ 

The information conveyed by the journal entries is 
unusually meagre; nevertheless, from the little that is 
given, the course of debate on the measure can be in- 
ferred to a certain extent. The proposition as a whole 
carried, of course, its own recommendation, since the 
Confederacy was most anxious to retain the Indian 
friendship and it certainly could not be retained were 
not some system introduced into the service. In mat- 
ters of detail, local interests, as always in American 
legislation, had full play. They asserted themselves 
most prominently, for example, in the endeavor made 

^''^ Journal, vol. i, 640, 67a, 743. 

^t^-^Ibid,, vol. ii, 19. 

^^^The Committee on Indian Affairs, at the time, consisted of Johnson, 
chairman, Clement C. Clay of Alabama, Williamson S. Oldham of Texas, 
R. L. Y. Payton of Missouri, and W. £. Sinoms of Kentucky. 

^''^ Journal, vol. ii, 51-52. 

*^* Journal, vol. v, 47. 

^-^Ibid., aio. 



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The Arkansas and Red River Superintendency 177 

to make Fort Smith, although quite a distance from all 
parts of the Indian Territory except the Cherokee and 
Choctaw countries, the permanent headquarters, also 
in that to compel disbursing agents to make payments 
in no other funds than specie or treasury notes. The 
amendment of greatest importance among those that 
passed muster was the one attaching the superintend- 
ency temporarily to the western district of Arkansas for 
judicial purposes. It was a measure that could not fail 
to be exceedingly obnoxious to the Indians; for they 
had had a long and disagreeable experience, judicially, 
with Arkansas. They had their own opinion of the 
white man's justice, particularly as that justice was 
doled out to the red man on the white man's ground.*" 
Taken in connection with regulations *" made by the 
War Department for the conduct of Indian affairs, the 
Act of April 8 most certainly exhibited an honest in- 
lcntion^"on "lHO)art^of th government to 

carry out the provisions of the Pike treaties. TKeToT 
lowing constituted its principal features: With head- 
quarters at either Fort Smith or Van Buren, as the 
president might see fit to direct, the superi ntendency 
was t o embrace "all the Jndian country annexed to A^ 
Confederate J5 tates> that lies west of Arkansas and Mis- 
souri, north of Texas, and east of Texas and New 
Mexico." A superintendent and six agents were imme- 
diately provided for, individually bonded and obligated 
to continue resident during the term of office, to engage 
in no mercantile pursuit or gainful occupation what- 

'^B^The Confederacy, as a matter of fact, Derer did keep Its promise 
regarding the establishment of a judiciary in Indian Territory. Note 
Commissioner Scott's remarks in criticism, December i, 1864 [Officiat Records, 
vol. xli, part iv, 1088-1089]. 

^"' The regulations referred to can be found in Confederate Records^ chap. 
7, no. 48. 



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lyS The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

soever, and to prosecute no Indian claims against the 
government. In the choice of interpreters, preference 
was to be given to applicants of Indian descent Indian 
trade privileges were to be greatly circumscribed and, 
in the case of the larger nations, the comp lete control 
ofjhe trade waOfiLI6St-with-thcJribal authorities. In 
the case, also, of those same larger nations, the restric- 
tions formerly placed upon land alienations were to be 
removed. IjitnidoiS-and.iPirituous liquors^ were to b e 
rigidly excluded and all payments to Indians were to 
be carefuUj^ safeguarded against fraud and graft. In- 
(Han^.£U8tom8^ and adoption were tcTBe* 

respected. No foreign interference was to be per- 
mitted. Foreign emissaries were to be dealt with as 
spies and as such severely punished. The Confederate 
right of eminent domain over agency sites and build- 
ings, forts, and arsenals was to be recognized, as also 
the operation of laws against counterfeiting and of the 
fugitive slave law. In default of regular troops, the 
Confederacy was to support an armed police for pro- 
tection and the maintenance of order. The judicial 
rights of the Indians were to be very greatly extended 
but the Confederacy reserved to itself the right to ap- 
prehend criminals other than Indian. 

The inte n tions of the Confederate gpyernmeat..werc 
one thing, its accompfishmenits^ another. The act of 
"ApriT^S was^iidt'^putlntF Immediate execution, and 
might have been allowed to become obsolete had it not 
been for the controversy between Pike and Hindman. 
On the first of August, while the subject-matter of the 
address, which he had so imprudently issued to the In- 
dians, was yet fresh in his mind. General Pike wrote a 
letter of advice, eminently sound advice, to President 
Davis.*" Avoiding all captiousness, he set forth a pro- 

*■• official Records, vol. xiii, 871-874. 



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The Arkansas and Red River Superintendency 179 

gramme of what ought to be done for Indian Territory 
and for the Indians, in order that their friendly alliance 
might be maintained. He urged many things and one 
thing very particularly. It was the crux of them all 
and it was that Indian Territory should be absolutely 
separated from Arkansas, in a military way, and that 
no troops from either Arkansas or Texas should be sta- 
tioned within it. Other suggestions of Pike's were 
equally sound. Indeed, the entire letter of the first of 
August was sound and in no part of it more sound than 
in that which recommended the immediate appointment 
of a superintendent of Indian affairs for the Arkansas 
and Red River Superintendency, also the appointment 
of Indian agents for all places that had none.^*^ It was 
high time that positions in connection with the conduct 
of Indian affairs should be something more than sine- 
cures. 

Aspirants for the office of superintendent had already 
made their wants known. Foremost among them was 
Douglas H. Cooper. It was not in his mind, however, 
to separate the military command from the civil and he 
therefore asked that he be made brigadier-general and 
ex officio superintendent of Indian affairs in the place 
of Pike removed.*" His own representations of Pike's 
grievous offence had fully prepared him for the cir- 
cumstance of Pike's removal and he anticipated it in 
making his own application for office. Subsequent 
knowledge of Pike's activities and of his standing at 
Richmond must have come to Cooper as a rude awak- 
ening. 

Nevertheless, Cooper did get his appointment. It 

^*^ In his message of August i8, 1862 [RichardsoD, yol. i, 238], PresideDt 
Davis remarked upon the vacancies in these offices and said that, in conse- 
quence of them, delays had occurred in the pajrment of annuities and allow- 
ances to which the Indians were entitled. 

^*' Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 821. 



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i8o The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

came the twenty-ninth of September in the form of 
special orders from the adjutant-general's office."* 
Pike was still on the ground, as will be presently 
shown, and Cooper's moral unfitness for a position of 
so much responsibility was yet to be revealed. The 
moment was one when the Confederacy was taking ac- 
tive steps to keep its most significant promise to the 
Indian nations, give them a representation in Congress. 
The Cherokees had lost no time in availing themselves 
of the privilege of electing a delegate, neither had the 
Choctaws and Chickasaws. Elias C. Boudinot had 
proved to be the successful candidate of the former and 
Robert M. Jones "^ of the latter. Over the credentials 
of Boudinot, the House of Representatives made some 
demur; but, as there was no denying his constitutional 
right, under treaty guarantee, to be present, they were 
accepted and he was given his seat."* Provisions had, 
however, yet to be determined for regulating Indian 
elections and fixing the pay and mileage, likewise also, 
the duties and privileges of Indian delegates.*** Per- 
haps it is unfair to intimate that the provisions would 
have been determined earlier, had congress not pre- 
ferred to go upon the assumption that they would never 
be needed, since it was scarcely likely that the Indians 
would realize the importance of their rights and act 
upon them.*** 

486 War Department, Confederate Records, Special Orders of the Adjutant 
and Inspector Generats Office, C.S.A., 1862, p. 438 ; Official Records, vol. xiii, 
885. 

^^f See documeDt of date, October 7, i86x, signed by Douglas H. Cooper, 
certifying that Robert M. Jones had received the "greatest number of votes 
cast" as delegate in Congress for the Choctaws and Chickasaws [Pickett 
Papers, Package 118]. 

^^^ Journal, vol. v, 513, 514. 

M^lhid., vol. ii, 452, 457, 480; vol. V, 514, 523, 561. 

«»opavis had thrown the responsibility of the whole matter upon Con- 
gress, when he insisted that the "delegate" clauses in the treaties should 



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The Arkansas and Red River Superintendency i8i 

While Congress was debating the question of Indian 
delegate credentials and their acceptance, a tragedy 
took place in Indian Territory that more than con- 
firmed General Pike's worst prognostications and 
proved his main contention that Indian affairs should 
be considered primarily upon their own merits, as an 
end in themselves, and dealt with accordingly. Had 
the Arkansas and Red River Superintendency been reg- 
ularly established, the tragedy referred to might never 
have occurred ; but it was not yet established and for 
many reasons, one of them being that, although Doug- 
las H. Cooper's appointment had been resolved upon, 
he had not yet been invested with the ofRce of super- 
intendent/'^ His commission was being withheld be- 
cause charges of incapacity and drunkenness had been 
preferred against him/** 

General Pike's disclosures had aroused suspicion and 
grave apprehension in Richmond, so much so, indeed, 
that the War Department, convinced that conditions in 
Indian Territory were very far from being what they 
should be, decided to undertake an investigation of its 
own through its Indian bureau. Promptly, therefore, 
S. S. Scott, acting commissioner, departed for the West. 
General Pike was in Texas. 

Now one of the contingencies that Pike had most 
constantly dreaded was tribal disorder on the Leased 

be 80 modified as to make the admission of the Indians dependent, not upon 
the treaty-making power, but upon the legislative. See his message of 
December 12, 1861, Richardson, vol. i, 149-151. 

^^ Elias Rector, who had been retained as superintendent under the 
Confederate government, seems never to have exercised the functions of the 
office subsequent to the assumption by Pike of his duties as commander of 
the Department of Indian Territory. He was probably envious of Pike and 
resigned rather than serve in a subordinate capacity. He seems to have made 
some troube for Pike [Official Records, vol. ziii, 964, 976]. 

*^*^^Ibid., 906, 908, 9 10-9 1 1, 927-928. 



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1 82 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

District,*'* a disorder that might at any moment extend 
itself to Texas and to other parts of the Indian Terri- 
tory, imperiling the whole Confederate alliance. So 
long as there was a strong force at Fort McCulloch and 
at the frontier posts of longer establishment, particu- 
larly at Fort Cobb, the Reserve Indians could be held 
in check with comparative ease. Hindman, ignorant 
of or indifferent to the situation, no matter how serious 
it might be for others, had ordered the force to be scat- 
tered and most of it withdrawn from the Red River 
Valley. 

The so-called Wichita, or Reserve, Indians, to call 
them by a collective term only very recently bestowed, 
had ever constituted a serious problem for the neigh- 
boring states as well as for the central government. It 
was with the Confederacy as with the old Union. The 
Reserve Indians were a motley horde, fragments of 
many tribes that had seen better days. They were all 
more or less related, either geographically or linguis- 
tically. Some of them, it is difficult to venture upon 
what proportion, had been induced to enter into negotia- 
tions with Pike and through him had formed an alli- 
ance with the Confederacy. Apparently, those who 
had done this were chiefly Tonkawas. Other Reserve 
Indians continued true to the North. As time went on 
hostile feelings, engendered by living in opposite camps, 
gained in intensity, the more especially because white 
men, both north and south, encouraged them to go upon 
the war-path, either against their own associates or oth- 
ers. Reprisals, frequently bloody, were regularly in- 
stituted. With Pike's departure from Fort McCulloch 
an opportunity for greater vindictiveness offered, not- 
withstanding the fact that the Choctaw and Chickasaw 

*»« Official Records^ vol. xiii, 868. 



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The Arkansas and Red River Superintendency 183 

troops had been left behind and were guarding the 
near-by country, their own. 

Sometime in the latter part of August or the early 
part of September, Matthew Leepcr, the Wichita agent 
under the Confederate government, a left-over from 
Buchanan's days, went from the Leased District,*** 
frightened away, some people thought, perhaps afraid 
of the inevitable results of the mischief his own hands 
had so largely wrought, and sojourned in Texas, his 
old home. The sutler left also and a man named Jones 
was then in sole charge of the agency. The northern 
sympathizers among the Indians thereupon aroused 
themselves. They had gained greatly of late in 
strength and influence and their numbers had been 
augmented by renegade Seminoles from Jumper's bat- 
talion and by outlawed Cherokees. They warned Jones 
that Leeper would be wise not to return. If he should 
return, it would be the worse for him; for they were 
determined to wreak revenge upon him for all the 
misery his machinations in favor of the Confederacy 
and for his own gain had cost them. Presumably, 
Jones scorned to transmit the warning and, in course of 
time, Leeper returned. 

The twenty-third of October witnessed one of the 
bloodiest scenes ever enacted on the western plains. 
The northern Indians of the Reserve together with a 
lot of wandering Shawnees, Delawares, and Kickapoos, 
many of them good-for-nothing or vicious, some Sem- 
inoles and Cherokees attacked Leeper unawares, killed 
him,"* as also three white male employees of the agency. 

^^^Officiai Records, vol. liii, supplement, 828. 

^*'On the murder of Agent Leeper, see Scott to Holmes, November 2, 
1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 919-921; Holmes to Secretary of War, 
November 15, 1862, ibid,, 919: F. Johnson to Dole, January 20, 1863, Abel, 
American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist^ 329-330^ footnote; 



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184 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

They then put "the bodies into the agency building and 
fired it." The next morning they made an equally 
brutal attack upon the Tonkawas and with most telling 
effect. More than half of them were butchered. The 
survivors, about one hundred fifty, fled to Fort Ar- 
buckle.*** Their condition was pitiable. The mur- 
derers, for they were nothing less than that, fled north- 
ward, they and their families, to swell the number of 
Indian refugees already living upon government bounty 
in Kansas. 

Commissioner Scott then at Fort Washita hurried to 
the Leased District to examine into the affair. He had 
made many observations since leaving Richmond, had 
talked with Pike, now returned from Texas, and had 
come around pretty much to his way of thinking. His 
recommendations to the department commander that 
were intended to reach the Secretary of War as well 
were in every sense a corroboration of Pike's complaints 
in so far as the woeful neglect of the Indians was con- 
cerned. Better proof that Hindman*s conduct had been 
highly reprehensible could scarcely be asked for. 



Moore, Rebellion Record, vol. vi, 6; W. F. Cady to Cox, February i6, 1870, 
iDdian Office Report Book, no. 19, i86-x88; Coffin to Dole, September 24, 1863^ 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1863, 177. 

^** S. S. Scott asked permission of Governor Winchester Colbert, Novem- 
ber 10, 1862, to place the fugitive Tonkawas "temporarily on Rocky or Clear 
Creek, near the road leading from Fort Washita to Arbuckle.** Colbert 
granted the permission, "provided they are subject to the laws of the 
Chickasaw Nation, and will furnish guides to the Home Guards and the 
Chickasaw Battalion, when called upon to do so." 



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VIII. THE RETIREMENTOF GENERAL PIKE 

The tragedy at the Wichita agency brought General 
Pike again to the fore. His resignation had not been 
accepted at Richmond as Hindman supposed was the 
case at the time he released him from custody. In 
fact, as events turned out, it looked as though Hind- 
man were decidedly more in disrepute there than was 
Pike. His arbitrary procedure in the Trans-Missis- 
sippi District had been complained of by many per- 
sons besides the one person whom he had so unmerci- 
fully badgered. Furthermore, the circumstances of 
his assignment to command were being inquired into 
and everything divulged was telling tremendously 
against him. 

The irregularity of Hindman's assignment to com- 
mand has been already commented upon in this narra- 
tive. Additional details may now be given. Van 
Dorn had hopes, on the occasion of his own summons 
to work farther east, that Sterling Price would be the 
one chosen eventually to succeed him or, at all events, 
the one to take the chief command of the Confederate 
forces in the West. He greatly wished that upon him 
and upon him alone his mantle should fall."^ The 
filling of the position by Hindman was to be but tenta- 
tive^ last only until Price,*** perhaps also Van Dorn, 

♦•^Vm Dorn to President Davis, June 9, 1862, Oficial Records, vol 
ziii, 831-832. 

♦••Price was preferred to H. M. Rector; because Van Dorn felt that 
Rector's influence with the people of Arkansas had greatly declined. The 
truth was, Governor Rector had become incensed at the disregard shown for 
Arkansas by Confederate conunanders. In a recent proclamation^ he had 
announced that the state would henceforth look out for herself. 



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1 86 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

could discuss matters personally with the president 
and remove the prejudice believed to be existing in his 
mind against Price; but the War Department had quite- 
other plans developed, a rumor of which soon reached 
the ears of Van Dorn, It was then he telegraphed, 
begging Davis to make no appointment for the present 
to the command of the Trans-Mississippi District and 
informing him that Hindman had been sent there tem- 
porarily.*** The request came to Richmond too late. 
An appointment had already been resolved upon and 
made. The man chosen was John Bankhead Magru- 
der, a major-general in the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia, However, as he was not yet ready to take up 
his new duties, Hindman was suffered to assume the 
command in the West; but Magruder's rights held 
over. They were held in abeyance, so to speak, tem- 
porarily waived.'®* 

The controversy between Pike and Hindman would 
seem to have impelled Secretary Randolph to wish to 
terminate early Magruder*s delay; but Magruder was 
loath to depart. His lack of enthusiasm ought to have 
been enough to convince those sending him that he 

^**The orders for Hindman to repair west, issuing from Beauregard's 
headquarters, were explicit, not upon the point of the temporary character 
of his appointment, but upon that of its having been made "at the earnest 
solicitation of the people of Arkansas." [Officiai Records, vol. z, part ii> 
547]- 

800 Price, nothing daunted, continued to seek the position and submitted 
plans for operations in the West. His importunities finally forced the inquiry 
from Davis as to whether Magruder's appointment had ever been rescinded 
and whether, since he seemed in no hurry to avail himself of it, he really 
wanted the place. Randolph reported that Magruder had no objection to 
the service to which he had been ordered but desired to remain near 
Richmond until the expected battle in the neighborhood should have oc- 
curred. Randolph then suggested that Price be tendered the position of 
second in command p^andolph to Davis, June 23, 1862, Official Records, 
vol. xiii, 837], an arrangement that met with Magruder's hearty approval 
[Magruder to R. E. Lee, June a6, 1862, Ibid., 845]. 



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Retirement of General Pike 187 

was hardly the man for the place. His acquaintance 
with Trans-Mississippi conditions was very superficial, 
yet even he found out that they were of a nature to 
admonish those concerned of their urgency, especially 
in the matter of lack of arms/®^ By the fourteenth of 
July his indecision was apparently overcome. At any 
rate, on that day Randolph wrote Pike that Magruder, 
the real commander of the Trans-Mississippi District, 
would soon arrive at Little Rock and that the offences 
of which Pike had had reason to complain would not 
be repeated. 

Letters travelled slowly in those days and Ran- 
dolph's comforting intelligence did not reach Pike in 
time to avert the catastrophe of his proclamation and 
consequent arrest. And it was just as well, all things 
considered, for Magruder never reached Little Rock. 
He was a man of intemperate habits and, while en 
routej was ordered back to Richmond to answer 
"charges of drunkenness and disobedience of orders,'' '** 
His appointment was thereupon rescinded. The man 
selected in his place, to the total ignoring of Price's 
prior claims, was Theophilus H. Holmes, a native of 
North Carolina.*®' President Davis was still possessed 
of the notion that frontier affairs could be best con- 
ducted by men who had no local attachments there. 
Late events had all too surely lent weight to his theory. 
Nevertheless, in holding it, Davis was strictly incon- 
sistent and illogical ; for loyalty to the particular home 
state constituted the strongest asset that the Confeder- 
acy had. It was the lode-star that had drawn Lee and 

^^ Magruder to Randolph, July 5, 1863, Official Records^ vol. ziii, 851-853. 
><^> Clark to Price, July 17, 1862, Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 
S16-817. 

»M Wright, General Officers of CSjI^ 15-16. 



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1 88 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

many another, who cared not a whit for political prin- 
ciples in and for themselves, from their allegiance to 
the Union. It was the great bulwark of the South. 

Holmes was ordered west July i6;*** but, as he had 
the necessary preparations to make and various private 
matters to attend to, August had almost begun before it 
proved possible for him to reach Little Rock.*** The 
interval had given Hindman a new lease of official life 
and a further extension of opportunity for oppression, 
which he had used to good advantage. The new de- 
partment commander, while yet in Richmond, had dis- 
cussed the Pikc-Hindmail controversy with his superior 
officers and had arrived at a conclusion distinctly favor- 
able to Pike. He frankly confessed as much weeks af- 
terwards. Once in Little Rock, however, he learned 
from the Hindman coterie of Pike's Indian proclama- 
tion and immediately veered to Hindman's side.*^ Pike 
talked with him, recounted his grievances in a fashion 
that none could surpass, but made absolutely no 
impression upon him. So small a thing and so short 
a time had it taken to develop a hostile prejudice in 
Holmes's mind, previously unbiased, so deep-seated 
that it never, in all the months that followed, knew the 
slightest diminution. Conversely and most fortuitous- 
ly, a friendliness grew up between Holmes and the man 
whom he had supplanted that made the former, either 
forget the orders given him in Richmond or put so new 
a construction upon them that they were rendered 
nugatory. It was a situation, exceedingly fortunate for 

»o* Oficial Records, vol. xiii, 855. 

><^ He hid reached Vicksburg by the thirtieth of July and from that point 
he issued his orders assuming the command libid^ 860]. 

*<^Pilce to Holmes, December 30, i86a (Appendix); Confederatt MiH* 
Uiry Histcry, vol x, lai-iaa. 



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Retirement of General Pike 189 

the service as a whole, no doubt, but most unhappy for 
Indian Territory, 

It finally dawned upon Pike that it was useless to 
argue any longer upon the matters in dispute between 
him and Hindman, for Holmes had pre-judged the 
case. Moreover, Holmes was beginning to appreciate 
the advantage of being in a position where he could, by 
ignoring Pike's authority and asserting his o'wn, be 
much the gainer in a material way. How he could 
have reconciled such an attitude with the instructions 
he had received from Randolph it is impossible to sur- 
misd. The instructions, whether verbal or written, 
must have been in full accord with the secretary's letter 
to Pike of the fourteenth of July, which, although Pike 
was as yet ignorant of it, had explicitly said that no sup- 
plies for Indian Territory should be diverted from 
their course and that there should be no interference 
whatever with Pike's somewhat peculiar command.'®^ 
All along the authorities in Richmond, their conflicting 
departmental regulations to the contrary notwithstand- 
ing, had insisted that the main object of the Indian 
alliance had been amply attained when the Indians 
were found posing as a Home Guard. Indians were 
not wanted for any service outside the limits of their 
own country. Service outside was to be deprecated, 
first, last, and always. Indeed, it was in response to a 
suggestion from Pike, made in the autumn of 186 1, that 
the Indian Territory ought to be regarded as a thing 
apart, to be held for the Confederacy most certainly 
but not to be involved in the warfare outside, that Pike's 
department had been created and no subsequent ar- 

'o^Pike to Holmes, December 30, 1862. The same assurance had ap- 
parently been given to Pike in May [Oficiat Records, vol. ziii, 863]. 



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190 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

rangements for the Trans-Mississippi Department or 
District, whichever it may have been at the period, 
were intended to militate against that fundamental 
facf^* 

Despairing of accomplishing anything by lingering 
longer in Little Rock, Pike applied to Holmes for a 
leave of absence and was granted it for such time as 
might have to elapse before action upon his resigna- 
tion could be secured/"* The circumstance of Hind- 
man's having relieved Pike from duty was thus ignored 
or passed over in silence. General Pike had come to 
Little Rock to see his family"* but he now decided 
upon a visit to Texas. Exactly what he expected to do 
there nobody knows; but he undoubtedly had at heart 
the interests of his department. He went to Warren 
first and later to Grayson County. At the latter place, 
he made Sherman his private headquarters and it was 
from there that he subsequently found it convenient 
to pass over again into Indian Territory. 

Pike was in Arkansas as late as the nineteenth of 
August and probably still there when Randolph's let- 
ter of the fourteenth of July, much delayed, arrived.*" 
If angry before, he was now incensed; for he knew for 
a certainty at last that Hindman had been a sort of 
usurper in the Trans-Mississippi District and, with 
power emanating from no one higher than Beauregard, 
had never legally possessed a flicker of authority for 
doing the many insulting things that he had arrogantly 
done to him.*" Next, from some source, came the 

so» O final Records, vol. xiii, 861, 864, 868. 

•••Holmci to the Secretary of Wir, November 15, i86a [Ibid.. 918]. 
•10 For an account of Pike's movemento, see Confederate Military History^ 
vol. x» za6. 

■** Abel, American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist. 356. 
"« Pike to Holmes, December 30^ 1862, "Appendix." 



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Retirement of General Pike 191 

news that President Davis had refused positively to 
accept Pike's resignation."* What better proof could 
anyone want that Pike was sustained at headquarters? 
What that view of the matter may have meant in em- 
boldening him to his later excessively independent ac- 
tions must be left to the reader's conjecture. It never 
occurred to Pike that if his resignation had been re- 
fused, it had probably been refused upon the supposi- 
tion that, with Hindman out of the way, all would be 
well. One good reason for thinking that that was the 
Richmond attitude towards the affair is the fact that no 
record of anything like immediate and formal action 
upon the resignation is forthcoming. Pike heard that 
it had been refused and positively, which was very grat- 
ifying; but it is far more likely that it had been put to 
one side and purposely; in order that, since Pike was 
unquestionably the best man for Indian Territory, all 
difficulties might be left to adjust themselves, the less 
said about Hindman's autocracy the better it would 
be for all concerned. 

But it was soon apparent that Hindman was not 
to be put out of the way. It was to be still possible for 
him to work mischief in Indian Territory. With some 
slight modifications, the Trans-Mississippi District had 
been converted into the Trans-Mississippi Department 
and, on the twentieth of August, orders"* issued from 

. ■*» There is Bomething very peculiar about the acceptance or non-accept- 
ance of Pike's resignation. Randolph wrote to Holmes, October 27, i86a» 
these words: ". . . General Pike's resignation haying been accepted, you 
will be left without a conunanding officer in the Indian Territory . . ." 
[Official Records^ vol. xiii, 906]. A letter endorsement, made by Randolph, 
on or later than September 19th, was to this effect: "General Pike's resigna- 
tion has not yet been accepted" [ibid,, liii, supplement, 821], and another, 
made by him, November 5th, to this: "Accept General Pike's resignation, and 
notify him of it" [ibid^^ 822]. 

■** Official Records^ vol. xiii, 877. 



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192 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Little Rock, arranging for an organization into three 
districts, the Texas, the Louisiana,"' and the Arkansas. 
The last-named district was entrusted to General Hind- 
man and made to embrace Arkansas, Missouri, and 
the Indian Territory. Hindman took charge at Fort 
Smith, August twenty-fourth and straightway planned 
such disposition of his troops as would make for ad- 
vancing the Confederate line northward of the Boston 
Mountains, Fort Smith, and the Arkansas River. The 
Indian forces that were concentrated around Forts 
Smith and Gibson were shifted to Carey's Ferry that 
they might cover the military road southward from 
Fort Scott. To hold the Cherokee country and to help 
maintain order there, a battalion of white cavalry was 
posted at Tahlequah and, in each of the nine townships, 
or districts, of the country, the formation of a company 
of home guard, authorized."* 

The maintaining of order in the Cherokee Nation 
had come to be imperatively necessary. John Ross, 
the Principal Chief, was now a prisoner within the 
Federal lines."^ His capture had been accomplished 
by strategy only a short time before and not without 
strong suspicion that he had been in collusion with his 
captors. Early in August, General Blunt, determined 
that the country north of the Arkansas should not be 
abandoned, notwithstanding the retrograde movement 
of Colonel Salomon, had ordered Salomon, now a brig- 
adier in command of the Indian Expedition, to send 

A^A Not all of Louisiana was in Holmes's department and only that part 
of it west of the Mississippi constituted the District of Louisiana. Governor 
Moore had vigorously protested against a previous division, one that "tacked" 
''all north of Red River" "onto Arkansas" [Official Records^ vol. liii, supple- 
ment, 8x9]. 

•*• — Ibid^ voL xiii, 46-47. 

'^^ Nominally, Ross was yet a prisoner, although, as a matter of fact, he 
had started upon a mission to Washington, his desire being to confer with 
President Lincoln in person regarding the condition of the Cherokees [Blunt 
to Lincoln, August 13, i86a, ibid^ $^S'S^^\ 



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Retirement of General Pike 193 

back certain white troops in support of the Indian."' 
Dr. Gillpatrick, who was the bearer of the orders, im- 
parted verbal instructions that the expeditionary force 
so sent should proceed to Tahlequah and complete what 
Colonel Phillips had confessed he had not had sufficient 
time for, the making of diplomatic overtures to the 
Cherokee authorities."* 

Blunt's expeditionary force had proceeded to Tah- 
lequah and to Park Hill and there, under the direction 
of Colonel William F. Cloud, had seized John Ross 
and his family, their valuables, also official papers and 
the treasury of the Cherokee Nation.'** The departure 
of the Principal Chief had had a demoralizing effect 
upon the Cherokees ; for, when his restraining influence 
was removed, likewise the Federal support, political 
factions, the Pins, or full-bloods, and the Secessionists, 
mostly half-breeds, had been able to indulge their thirst 
for vengeance uninterruptedly."* Chaos had well- 
nigh resulted. 

The departure of the expeditionary force had meant 
more than mere demoralization among the Indians. It 
had meant the abandonment of their country to the 
Confederates and the Confederates, once realizing that, 
delaying nothing, took possession. The secessionist 
Cherokees then called a convention, formally deposed 
John Ross, and elected Stand Watie as Principal Chief 
in his stead."* Back of all such revolutionary work, 
was General Hindman and it was not long before Hind- 
man himself was in Tahlequah."* Once there, he pro- 
ceeded to set his stamp upon things with customary 

■*• Official Records, vol. xiii, 531-532. 
•i»-./^,V., 182. 

•11 — /^u/^ 623, 648. 

•«« ConfederaU Military History, vol. x, 129. 

■«» Official Records, vol. xiii, 4a. 



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194 ^*^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

vigor and order was shortly restored both north and 
south of the Arkansas. Guerrilla warfare was sum- 
marily suppressed, marauding stopped, and the per- 
petrators of atrocities so deservedly punished that all 
who would have imitated them lost their taste for such 
fiendish sport. As far north as the Moravian Mission, 
the Confederates were undeniably in possession; but, 
at that juncture. Holmes called Hindman to other 
scenes. A sort of apathy then settled like a cloud upon 
the Cherokee Nation."* Almost lifeless, it awaited the 
next invader. 

One part of the programme, arranged for at the time 
of the re-districting of the Trans-Mississippi Depart- 
ment, had called for a scheme to reenter southwest Mis- 
souri. Hindman was to lead but Rains, Shelby, Coop- 
er, and others were to constitute a sort of outpost and 
were to make a dash, first of all, to recover the lead 
mines at Granby. The Indians of both armies were 
drawn thitherward, the one group to help make the 
advance, the other to resist it. At Newtonia on Sep- 
temper 30 the first collision of any moment came and 
it came and it ended with victory for the Confederates."* 
Cooper's Choctaws and Chickasaws fought valiantly 
but so also did Phillips's Cherokees. They lost heavily 
in horses,"* their own poorly shod ponies; but they 
themselves stood fire well. To rally them after defeat 
proved, however, a difficult matter. Their disciplin- 

»«* Report of M. W. Buitcr to Cooper, September 19, i86a, Official Rec- 
prds^ vol. xiil, 373-277. 

s^sPor detailed accounts of the Battle of Newtonia, tee ihtd., 296-307; 
Edwards, Shelby and his Men, 83-89; Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol 
>• 355-3^3; Anderson, Life of General Stand Waiie, ao; Crawford, Kansas 
in the Sixties, 54; Confederate Military History, vol. x, 13a. 

"<*£van Jones to Dole, January 8, 1864, Indian Office General Files, 
Cherokee, 1859-1865, J 401. 



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Retirement of General Pike 195 

ing had yet left much to be desired.'" Scalping"' of 
the dead took place as on the battle-field of Pea Ridge ; 
but, in other respects, the Indians of both armies ac- 
quitted themselves well and far better than might have 
been expected. 

The participation of the Indians in the Battle of New- 
tonia was significant. Federals and Confederates had 
alike resorted to it for purposes other than the red man's 
own. The Indian Expedition had now for a surety 
definitely abandoned the intention for which it was 
originally organized and outfitted. As a matter of fact, 
it had long since ceased to exist. The military organ- 

*3^ "Since leaving the Fugitive Indians on Dry Wood Creek, nothing has 
occurred of material interest other than you will receive through official 
Dispatches from the Officers of our Army. The Indians under Col. Phillips 
fought well at the Battle Newtonia, they have at all times stood fire. 
The great difficulty of their officers is in keeping them together in a retreat, 
and should such be necessary on the field in presence of an enemy in their 
present state of discipline it would be almost impossible to again return 
them to the attack in good order -Another Battle was fought at this place 
in which the enemy were defeated with considerable loss, four of their guns 
being taken by a charge of the ad Kansas. 

'In this Contest the Indians behaved well, the officers and soldiers of our 
own regiments now freely acknowledge them to be valuable Allies and in no 
case have they as yet faltered, untill ordered to retire, the prejudice once 
existing against them is fast disappearing from our Army and it is now 
generaly conceded that they will do good service in our border warfare. 
This we have never doubted and confident as we have been of their fitness 
for border warfare we have been content to await, untill they had proven 
to the country not only their loyalty but their ability to fight Since their 
organization they have been engaged in several battles and in every case 
successfully, one of us will start in a day or two for Tahlequah and may 
find something of interest on the march. We are now in the Cherokee Na- 
tion. An effort is now being made by Gen> Blunt to punish plundering in 
the country. Union People have suffered from this as much as rebels. We 
have before called the attention of our Army Officers to this fact; with our 
Fifteen Hundred Cherokee Warriors in the service of our government -we 
feel that every possible protection should be extended to them as a people" 
[Carruth to Coffin, October 25, x86a, enclosed in Coffin to Dole, November 
16, 1862, Indian Office General Piles, Southern Superintendincy 1859-1863]. 
^*^Oficial Records, vol. xiii, 894. 



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196 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

ization, of which the Indian regiments in the Federal 
service now formed a part, was Blunt's division of the 
Army of the Frontier and it had other objects in view, 
other tasks to perform, than the simple recovery of 
Indian Territory. 

It is true General Blunt had set his heart upon that 
particular accomplishment but he was scarcely a free 
agent in the matter. Men above him in rank had quite 
other aims and his, perforce, had to be subordinated to 
theirs. In August, Blunt had planned a kind of second 
Indian Expedition to go south to Fort Gibson and to 
restore the refugees to their homes."* It had started 
upon its way when the powers higher up interposed. 

General Schofield, anticipating the renewed endeavor 
of the Confederates to push their line forward, had 
called upon Blunt for assistance and Blunt had respond- 
ed with such alacrity as was possible, considering that 
many of the troops he summoned for Schofield's use 
were those that had been doing hard service within and 
on the border of the Indian country for full two months. 
During all that time their horses had been deprived en- 
tirely of grain feed and had been compelled to subsist 
upon prairie grass. They were in a bad way."* Once 
outside the Indian Territory, the Indian regiments, be- 
grudging the service demanded of them, were kept more 
fully occupied than were the white; for there was al- 

»*• "Orders have been given by General Blunt for the Indian Expedition 
to go South soon ; he says the families of the Indians may go" - Carruth to 
Coffin, August 29, 1862, enclosed in Coffin to Mix, August 30, i86a, Indian 
Office General Files, Southern Superintendency, 1859-1862. 

''Enclosed you will find an order from General James G. Blunt in regard 
to the removal of the Indian families to their homes. I start to-morrow for 
Fort Scott, Kansas, to overtake the second Indian expedition, commanded by 
General Blunt in person." - Carruth to Coffin, September 19, 1862, Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, p. 166. 

•«®Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 337. 



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Retirement of General Pike 197 

ways scouting"* for them to do and frequently skir- 
mishing. On Cowskin River, Phillips's Third Indian 
and, near Shirley^s Ford on Spring River, Ritchie's 
Second had each engaged the Confederates with suc- 
cess, although not entirely with credit. Ritchie had 
allowed his men to run amuck even to the extent of 
attacking their comrades in Colonel Weer's brigade, 
which was the second in Blunt's reorganized army. 
On account of his lack of control over his troops, Ritchie 
was reported upon for dismissal from the service."* 

The Battle of Newtonia was inconclusive. Subse- 
quent to it, the Federals were greatly reenforced and, 
in the first days of October, Schofield and Blunt, who 
had both arrived recently upon the scene, coming to 
the aid of Salomon, who had been the vanquished one 
at Newtonia, were able, in combination with Totten, 
to deprive Cooper of all the substantial fruits of vic- 
tory. He was obliged to fall back into Arkansas, 
whither a part of Blunt's division pursued him and en- 
camped themselves on the old battle-field of Pea 
Ridge."* 

Cooper was far from being defeated, however, and, 
under orders from Rains, soon made plans for attempt- 
ing an invasion of Kansas ; but Blunt, ably seconded by 
Crawford of the Second Kansas, was too quick for him. 
He followed him to Maysville and then a little beyond 
the Cherokee border to old Fort Wayne in the present 
Delaware District of the Nation. There, on the open 
prairie, a battle was fought,"* on October 22, so dis- 

**^ Phillips to Blunt, September 5, i86a, Ofidal Records^ vol. xiii, 614-615. 

*** Weer to Moonlight, September la, z86a, ibid,^ 6a7 ; Weer to Blunt, Sep- 
tember a4, i86a, ibid,t 66$-666\ Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 35a. 

•••Britton, Ctvtl War on the Border, vol. i, 366; Crawford, Kansas in 
the Sixties, 54. 

**^ Anderson, Ufe of General Stand Watie, ao; Crawford, Kansas in the 



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198 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

astrous to the Confederates, who, by the by, were 
greatly outnumbered, that they fled, a demoralized host, 
by way of Fort Gibson across the Arkansas River to 
Cantonment Davis,"* Stand Watic and his doughty 
Cherokees covering their retreat The Federals had 
then once again an undisputed possession of Indian 
Territory north of the Arkansas.'** 

Such was the condition of affairs when Pike emerged 
from his self-imposed retreat in Texas. The case 
for the Confederate cause among the Indians was 
becoming desperate. So many things that called for 
apprehension were occurring. Cooper and Rains were 
both in disgrace, the failure of the recent campaign 
having been attributed largely to their physical unfit- 
ness for duty. Both were now facing an investigation 
of charges for drunkenness. Moreover, the brutal at- 
tack upon and consequent murder of Agent Leeper had 
just shocked the community. Hearing of that murder 
and considering that he was still the most responsible 
party in Indian Territory, General Pike made prepa- 
rations to proceed forthwith to the Leased District. 
His plans were frustrated by his own arrest at the com- 
mand of General Holmes. 

His unfriendliness to Pike was in part due to 
Holmes's own necessities. It was to his interest to 
assert authority over the man who could procure sup- 
plies for Indian Territory and when occasion offered, 
if that man should dare to prove obdurate, to ignore 
his position altogether. Nevertheless, Holmes had not 
seen fit in early October to deny Pike his title of com- 

Sixties, $6-62; Edwards, Shiiby and his Men, 90; Oficial Records^ vol. xiii, 
43» 3^4, 3*5, 3*5-3*«. 3*9-33i, 33i-33a, 33*-33«. 33«-337» 759; Britton, Civil 
War on the Border^ vol. i, 364-375. 

■w Official Records, vol xiii, 765. 

*M Blunt was ordered "to clean out the Indian country" {ibid., 76a]. 



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Retirement of General Pike 199 

mander and had personally addressed him by it/" Yet 
all the time he was encroaching upon that commander's 
prerogatives, was withholding his supplies, just as 
Hindman had done, and was exploiting Indian Terri- 
tory, in various ways, for his own purposes. Rumors 
came that Pike was holding back munition trains in 
Texas and then that he was conspiring with Texan 
Unionists against the Confederacy. To further his 
own designs, Holmes chose to credit the rumors and 
made them subserve the one and the same end ; for he 
needed Pike's ammunition and he wanted Pike him- 
self out of the way. He affected to believe that Pike 
was a traitor and, when he reappeared as brigade com- 
mander, to consider that he had unlawfully reassumed 
his old functions. Accordingly, he issued an order to 
Roane,'" to whom he had entrusted the Indians, for 
Pike's arrest; but he had already called Pike to ac- 
count for holding back the munition trains and had 
ordered him, if the charge were really true, to report 
in person at Little Rock."* 

The order for General Pike's arrest bore date of 
November 3. Roane, the man to whom the ungra- 
cious task was assigned, was well suited to it. He had 
been adjudged by Holmes himself as absolutely worth- 
less as a commander and, being so, had been sent to take 
care of the Indians,'** a severe commentary upon 
Holmes's own fitness for the supreme control of any- 
thing that had to do with them or their concerns. Oth- 
ers had an equally poor opinion of Roane's generalship 
and character. John S. Phelps, indeed, was writing 
at this very time, the autumn of 1862, to Secretary 

**^ Oficial Records^ vol. ziii, 924. 
•■• — Ibid.f 923, 980^ 981. 
M^Ibid,, 9<H. 
tM^Ibid., 899. 



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200 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Stanton in testimony of Roane's unsavory reputation/" 
The arrest of Pike took place November 14 at 
Tishomingo in the Chickasaw country and a detach- 
ment of Shelby's brigade was detailed to convey him 
to Little Rock."" Then, as once before, his reported 
resignation saved him from long confinement and from 
extreme ignominy. On the fifth of November, Presi- 
dent Davis instructed the adjutant-general to accept 
Pike's resignation forthwith and five days thereafter,*" 
before the arrest had actually taken place, Holmes ad- 
vised Hindman that he had better let Pike go free so 
soon as he should leave the Indian country; inasmuch 
as his resignation was now an assured thing.'** Holmes 
evidently feared to let the release take place within the 
limits of Pike's old command ; for some of the Indians 
were still devotedly attached to him and were still pin- 
ning their faith upon his plighted word. John Jump- 
er and his Seminole braves were among those most 
loyal to Pike; and Holmes was afraid that wholesale 
desertions from their ranks would follow inevitably 
Pike's degradation. Many desertions had already oc- 
curred, ostensibly because of lack of food and raiment. 
Commissioner Scott had complained to Holmes of the 
Indian privations"* and Holmes had been forced to 
concede, although only at the eleventh hour, the In- 
dian claim to some consideration. He had arbitrarily 
shared tribal quota of supplies, bought with tribal 
money, with white troops and had lamely excused him- 
self by saying that he had done it to prevent grum- 

•« Ogicial Records, vol. xiii, 75a. 
M^Ihid,, 9ai. 

•*• — Ibid,f vol. Hii, supplement, 821. 
•** — Ibid,, vol. xiii, 913. 
^^^Ibid., 92a 



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Retirement of General Pike 201 

bling*** and the charge of favoritism. One other of- 
fence of which Holmes was guilty he did not attempt 
to palliate, the taking of the Indians out of their own 
country without their consent. To the very last Pike 
had expostulated"^ against such violation of treaty 
promises; but Holmes and Hindman were deaf alike to 
entreaty and to reprimand. 

General Pike, poet and student, was now finally de- 
prived of his command and the Indians left to their own 
devices or at the mercy of men, who could not be 
trusted or were not greatly needed elsewhere. No one 
attempted any longer to conceal the truth that alliance 
with the Indians was a supremely selfish consideration, 
and nothing more, on the part of those who coveted In- 
dian Territory because of its geographical position, its 
strategic and economic importance. For a little while 
longer. Pike contended with his enemies by meaiis of 
the best weapon he had, his facile pen. His acrimonious 
correspondence with the chief of those enemies, Hind- 
man and Holmes, reached its highest point of criticism 
in a letter of December 30 to the latter. That letter 
summed up his grievances and was practically his last 
charge. Having made it, he retired from the scene, 
not to reappear until near the close of the war, when 
Kirby Smith found it advantageous to reemploy him 
for service among the red men. 



•*• official Records, vol. xiii, 928. 
54T — itid,^ 905, 963. 



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IX. THE REMOVAL OF THE REFUGEES TO 
THE SAC AND FOX AGENCY 

General Blunt's decision to restore the Indian refu- 
gees in Kansas to their own country precipitated a 
word war of disagreeable significance between the civil 
and military authorities. The numbers of the refugees 
had been very greatly augmented in the course of the 
summer, notwithstanding the fact that so large a pro- 
portion of the men had joined the Indian Expedition. 
It is true they had not all stayed with it. The retro- 
grade movement of Colonel Salomon and his failure 
later on to obey Blunt's order to the letter •*• that he 
should return to the support of the Indians had dis- 
heartened them and many of the enlisted braves had 
deserted the ranks, as chance offered, and had strayed 
back to their families in the refugee camps of southern 
Kansas."* 

B^ Blunt to Caleb Sqaith, Noyember ai, 1861 [Indian Office General Filet, 
Southern SuPirintendenq^, 1859-1862, I 860]. 

A^* One of the first notices of their desertion was the following: 

"We are getting along well, very well. The Indians seem happy and 
contented, and seemingly get enough to eat and wear. At least I hear no 
complaint For the last two or three dmyt the Indian soldiers have been 
stragling back, until now there are some three or four hundred in, and they 
are still coming. I held a council with them to-day to try and find out why 
they are here. But they don't seem to have any idea themselves. AH I 
could learn was that Old George started and the rest followed. The CoL 
it seenu told them to go some where else. I shall send an express to CoL 
Fumess in the morning to find out if possible what it means. It seems to 
me it will not do to give the provisions purchased for the women and 
children to the soldiers. . . 

"The soldiers look clean and hearty, and complain of being treated like 
dogs, starved etc, which I must say their looks belie. . .''-Gia A. Cutler 
to Wm. G. Coffin, August 13, i86a, ibid. 



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204 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Then the numbers had been augmented in other 
ways. The Quapaws, who had been early driven from 
their homes and once restored ,"* had left them again 
when they found that their country had been denuded 
of all its portable resources. It was exposed to inroads 
of many sorts. Even the Federal army preyed upon 
it and, as all the able-bodied male Quapaws were grad- 
ually drawn into that army, there was no way of de- 
fending it. Its inhabitants, therefore, returned as 
exiles to the country around about Leroy.*" 

It was much the same with near neighbors of the 
Quapaws, with the Senecas and the Seneca-Shawnces. 
These Indians had been induced to accept one payment 
of their annuities from the Confederate agent"* but 
had later repented their digression from the old alle- 
giance to the United States and had solicited its pro- 
tection in order that they might remain true. Some 
of them stayed with Agent Elder near Fort Scott,'" 
others moved northward and lived upon the charity of 
the Shawnees near Lawrence."* But those Shawnees 
were doomed themselves to be depredated upon, es- 
pecially that group of them known as Black Bob's Band, 
a band that had been assigned a settlement in Johnson 

**o Coffin to Elder, August 9, 1862 ; Coffin to Mix, August 16, i86a, Indian 
Office Genera] Files, Neosho^ C 1745 of i86a. 

^^^ Some of the Quapaws that went to Leroy were not bona fidi refugees. 
Elder reported them as lured thither by the idea of getting fed [Elder to 
Dole, July 9, i86a, ibid,^ E 114 of 1862]. 

A^* Coffin to Dole, May 31, 1862, Indian Office General Files, Neosho, 

•»» Coffin to Mix, July 30, 1862, ibid,, C 1732 of 1862. 

*^* J. J. Lawler to Mix, August 2, 1862, ibid., Skawnee, 1855-1862; Abbott 
to Branch, July 26, 1862, ibid. Some of the Senecas, about one hundred twenty- 
three, went as far as Wyandot City. For them and their relief, the Senecas 
In New York interceded. See Chief John Melton to Conunissioner of Indian 
Affairs, September 2, 1862, ibid., Neosho, H 541 ; Mix to Coffin, September 
iz, 1862, Indian Office Letter Book, no. 69, 99. 



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Removal of the Refugees 205 

County, adjoining the Missouri border."' In August"* 
and again in the first week of September"' guerrillas 
under Quantrill,"' crossed over the line and raided the 
Black Bob lands, robbing the Indians of practically 
everything they possessed, their clothing, their house- 
hold goods, their saddles, their ponies, their provisions, 
and driving the original owners quite away. They 
fired upon them as they fled and committed atrocities 
upon the helpless ones who lagged behind. They then 
raided Olathe."' Somewhat earlier, guerrillas had 
similarly devastated the Kansas Agency, although not 
to the same extent."" The Black Bob Shawnees found 
a refuge in the western part of the tribal reserve."* 

*^Thit group of Shawnee refugees must be disdnguished from the so- 
called Absentee Shawnees, who also became refugees. The Shawnees had 
been very much molested and disturbed during the period of border strife 
following the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. Black Bob's Band was 
then exceedingly desirous of going south to dwell with the Seneca-Shawnees 
[Rector to Greenwood, January 6, 1860^ enclosing Dorn to Greenwood, De- 
cember 30, 1859, Indian OfBce General Files, Neosho, R463 of i860]. The 
Absentee Shawnees had taken refuge in Indian Territory prior to the war, 
but were expelled immediately after it began. They obtained supplies for m 
time from the Wichita Agent and lived as refugees on Walnut Creek [Paschal 
Fish and other Shawnee delegates to Cooley, December 5, 1865, Indian Office 
Land Files, Shawnee, 1860-1865]. Later on, they seem, at least some of them, 
to have gone up to the Shawnee Reserve [Dole to Coffin, July 27, 1863, In- 
dian Office Letter Book, no. 71, 195 ; Dole to Usher, July 27, 1863, ibid,, Re^ 
port Book, no. 13, 208-209]. 

(^**H. B. Branch to Dole, June 19, 1863, enclosing various letters from 
Agent Abbott, Indian Office General Files, Shawnee, 1863-1875, B 343. 

*S7 Branch to Dole, October 3, 1862, transmitting letter from Abbott to 
Branch, September 25, 1862, ibid,, Shawnee, 1855-1862, B 1583. 

SB^CoDnelley, Quantrill and the Border Wars, 269, says that, from Au- 
gust 15, 1862, the Confederate government was directly responsible for the 
work of Quantrill. From that day, the guerrillas were regular Confederate 
soldiers. They were not generally regarded as such, however; for, in No- 
vember, 1863, Price was trying to prevail upon Quantrill and his men to 
come into the regular army [Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 907-908]. 

^* Governor Robinson issued a proclamation, on the occasion of this 
emergenqr for volunteers against guerrillas. 

*^ Farnsworth to Dole, July 23, 1862 [Indian Office General Files, Kansas, 
1855-1862, F386]. 

*^^ Letter of Agent Abbott, June 5, 1863, ibid,, Shawnee, 1 863-1 875, B 343. 



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2o6 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Some Wyandot Indians, who before the war had 
sought and found homes among the Senecas,*" were 
robbed of everything they possessed by secessionist In- 
dians,*** who would not, however, permit them to go 
in search of relief northward.*** When all efforts to 
induce them to throw in their lot with the Confederacy 
proved unavailing, the strict watch over them was some- 
what relaxed and they eventually managed to make 
their escape. They, too, fled into Kansas. And so did 
about one hundred Delawares, who had been making 
their homes in the Cherokee country. In the spring 
of 1862, they had begun to return destitute to the old 
reservation*** but seem not to have been counted, refu- 
gees until much later in the year.*** The Delaware 
Reservation on the northern bank of the Kansas River 
and very near to Missouri was peculiarly exposed 

«•> Indian Office General Piles, Neosho, 1 81 of i860. 

*** Lawrence and othert, Wyandots, to Dole» December %%, 1862, ibid,^ 
Land Filet, Shawna, 1860-1865, L 12 of 1862. This letter was answered Jan- 
uary 20, 1863, and, on the same day, Coffin was instructed to relieve their 
distress. 

S04 "Being personally acquainted with the condition of the Wyan- 
dots . . . would here state, that a portion of them are living among die 
Senecas bordering on the Cherokee Country, and they are in a suffering 
condition. The rebel portion of the Senecas and Cherokees have robbed 
them of all of their ponies, and in fact all the property they had, and will 
not allow them to leave to come to Wyandott, which is about 2 hundred 
miles in distance, and their friends in Wyandott are unable to relieve them 
(on account of the rebel forces) without protection of our armies. The 
W3randotts that are here are anxious to go and relieve dieir friends, and 
would respectfully request that they be allowed to form into a military com- 
pany and be mustered into Gov*>^ service and go with the expedition south to 
relieve their friends and assist in reclaiming the rebel Indians. A few of 
die Wyandotts are in service. . . They are all very anxious to be trans- 
ferred into a company by themselves for the purpose aboye stated. . ."- 
Chaelbs Moore to Dole, February 9, 1862, Indian Office Special Files, no. 
201, D576. 

*M Johnson to Dole^ April 2, 1862, Indian Office General Files, Z>#Ai- 
noare, 1862-1866. 

*^ Johnson to Dole, November 5, 1862, ibid,, Southern Suferintendency^ 
1859-1862. 



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Removal of the Refugees 207 

to ravages, horses and cattle being frequently stolen.**^ 
For that reason and because so much urged thereto by 
Agent Johnson,"' who was himself anxious for service, 
the Delawares were unusually eager to enlist. 

The Osages had been induced by Ritchie and others 
to join the Indian Expedition or to serve as independent 
scouts.'** Their families, consequently, found it safe 
and convenient to become refugees."* In July, they 
formed much the larger part of some five hundred from 
Elder*s agency, who sought succor at Leroy. That did 
not deter the Osages, however, from oflFering a tem- 
porary abiding-place, within their huge reserve, to the 
homeless Creeks under Opoeth-lc-yo-ho-la.*" 

(^^ Johnsoa to Dole, May 28, i86a» Indian OflBce General Files, Delawan^ 
I 667 of 1862. 

508 Johnson wished to retain his agency and also hold a commission as 
colonel of volunteers, Department of the Interior, Register of Letters Re- 
ceived, no. 4, pp. ^14, 357. James H. Lane endorsed his request and it was 
granted. 

***The Osages rendered occasionally some good service. They and the 
Comanches plundered the Chickasaws very considerably [Holmes Colbert 
to N. G. Taylor, April 14, 1868, Indian Offibe Consolidated Files, Chicka- 
saw, C 716 of 1868. See also Office letter to Osage treaty commissioners, 
May 4, 1868]. In October, the Osage force advanced as far as lola and 
then retreated [Henning to Blunt, October 11, 1862, Officiat Records, vol. 
ziii, 726]. Soon after that they were mustered out and in a very dis- 
gruntled condition. They claimed that the government had used them 
very badly and had never paid them anything [Henning to Chipman, No- 
vember 13, 1862, ibid,, 790]. They knew little of the discipline of war and 
left the army whenever they had a mind to. 

B^^^The Osages joined the Indian Expedition only upon condition tkat 
their families would be supported during their absence [Coffin to Dole, 
June 4, 1862, Indian Office Consolidated Files, Neosho, C 1662 of 1862]. 
The fauMlies were soon destitute. Coffin ordered Elder to minister to them 
at Leroy; but he seems to have distrusted the southern superintendent and 
to have preferred to keep aloof from hinL C6ffin then appointed a man 
named John Harris as special Osage agent [Coffin to Dole, July 7, 1862, 
ibid^ C 1710]. Elder tried to circumvent Coffin's plans for the distribution 
of cattle [Coffin to Elder, July 16, 1862, ibid., C1717] and Coffin lodged a 
general charge of neglect of duty against him [Coffin to Dole, July 19, 
1862, ibid.}. 

^T^The invitation was extended by White Hair and Charles Mograin 
[Coffin to Dole, November 16, 1862, ibid., Ci9G4]« C6ffin was anxious for 



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2o8 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

During the summer the wretched condition of the 
Indian refugees had, thanks to fresh air, sunlight, and 
fair weather, been much ameliorated. Disease had ob- 
tained so vast a start that the medical service, had it 
been first-class, which it certainly was not, would other- 
wise have proved totally inadequate. The physicians 
in attendance claimed to have from five to eight thou- 
sand patients,*" yet one of them. Dr. S. D. Coffin, found 
it possible to be often and for relatively long periods 
absent from his post. Of this the senior physician, Dr, 
William Kile, made complaint"* and that circumstance 
marked the beginning of a serious estrangement be- 
tween him and Superintendent Coffin."* 

In August, General Blunt announced his intention of 
returning the Indian families to their homes."* He 
was convinced that some of the employees of the Indian 
Office and of the Interior Department were personally 
profiting by the distribution of supplies to the refugees 
and that they were conniving with citizens of Kansas in 
perpetrating a gigantic fraud against the government. 
The circumstances of the refugees had been well aired 

Opoeth-Ie-yo-ho-U who had been rather obstreperous, to accept [Coffin to 
Dole, November 14, 1862, Indian Office Genera] Files, Southern Superin- 
tendency^ 1859-1862]. 

»T« Dr. S. D. Coffin, to Dole, July 5, i86a, ihid,, General Filet, Southern 
Superintendency^ 1859-1862; J. C. Carter to Dole July 22, 1862, ibid. 

»7SKile to Dole, ibid. 

»^*The estrangement resulted in the retirement of Kile from the service. 
In September, Dr. Kile asked for a leave of absence. Shortly afterwards, 
Secretary Smith instructed Charles E. Mix, the acting commissioner, that the 
services of Kile were no longer needed, since the superintendent could at- 
tend to the purchasing and distributing of supplies [Smith to Mix, Septem- 
ber 22, 1862, Indian Office General Files, Southern Superintendence, 1859- 
1862]. Mix promptly informed Kile that his resignation was accepted [Mix to 
Kile, September 22, 1862, ibid., Letter Book, no. 69, p. 133]. 

675 "Orders have been given by General Blunt for the Indian Expedition 
to go South soon; he says the families of the Indians may go. They wish 
to do so but no provision is made for their subsistence or conveyance. We 
wish immediate instructions in this particular.** - Carruth to Coffin, August 
29, 1862, ibid.. General Files, Southern Superintendence, 1859-1862. 



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Removal of the Refugees 209 



in Congress, first in connection with a Senate resolution 
for their relief."' On July fifth, Congress had passed 
an act suspending annuity appropriations to the tribes 
in hostility to the United States government and author- 
izing the president to expend, at discretion, those same 
annuities in behalf of the refugees/" At once, the 
number "• of refugees increased and white men rushed 
forward to obtain contracts for furnishing supplies. 

There was a failure of the corn crop in southern Kan- 
sas that year and Dr. Kile, appreciating certain facts, 
that the Indian pony is dear, as is the Arabian horse, to 
his master, that the Indian ponies were pretty numerous 
in spite of the decimation of the past winter, and that 
they would have to be fed upon corn, advised a return 
to Indian Territory before the cold weather should set 
in.*" He communicated with Blunt"* and found Blunt 
of the same opinion, so also Cutler*" and Coleman."* 
Contrariwise was Superintendent Coffin,"* whose view 
of the case was strengthened by E. H. Carruth, H. W. 
Martin,"* and A. C. Ellithorpe."* 

^^^17,8, Congressional Globes 37th congress, second session, part i, Si 5, 

S49i S75. 891. 940. 

»^^ U. S, Statutes at Large, vol. xii, 528. 

"7* In October, Coflfin put the number of refugees, inclusiye of die 
Cherokees on Drywood Creek, at almost seven thousand five hundred 
[Commissionei of Indian Affliirs, Report 1862, p. 137] and msked for 
sixty-nine thousand dollars for their support during the third quarter of 
1862 [CofBn to Mix, September 16, 1862, Indian Ofiice General Files, 
Southern Supertntendency, 1859-1862]. 

»»»Kile to Dole, July 25, 1862, ibid, 

BS^Kile to Blunt, September 2, 1862, ibid. 

^^1 Cutler to Coflfin, September 30, 1862, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
Report, 1862, 139. 

^0* Coleman to CofBn, September 30, 1862, ibid,, 141. 

B>s Coffin to Mix, August 30, 1862, Indian Office General Files, Southern 
Superintendency, 1859-1862: same to same, September 13, 1862, ibid, 

S84 Carruth and Martin to Coffin, September 28, 1862, Conmiissioner of 
Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, 167. 

686 «in replying to the several interrogatorsrs contained in your letter 
of the nth inst, I shall base my answer entirely upon my own observa- 



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2IO The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

In the contest that ensued between the military and 
civil authorities or between Blunt and Coffin,*^ Coffin 
triumphed, although Blunt made no concealment of his 

tioos and experience, obtained during a six months campaign with the 
Indians, and in the Creek and Cherokee countries. Taking a deep interest 
in the welfare of these loyal refugee Indians, who have sacrificed M, 
radier than fight against our Flag. I shall be cautious and advise no 
poliqr but that which will insure their safe restoration to dieir homes. 

"The important question in your letter and that which embodies die 
whole subject matter is the following -'Would it be safe in the present 
condition of the country to restore the southern refugee Indians now in 
southern Kansas, the women and children, the old, feeble and infirm to 
their homes in the Indian country?' 

"I answer -It would not be safe to take the women and children to the 
Creek or Cherokee countries this fall for die following reasons, ist The 
com and vegetable crop north of the Arkansas River will not afford them 
subsistence for a single month. The excessive drouth has almost com- 
pletely destroyed it, and what little would have matured is laid waste 
by the frequent foraging parties of our own Army, or tiiose of the Rebels. 

"The amount of Military force necessary to restore and safely protect 
this people in their homes would far exceed what is at present at the dis- 
posal of the Department of Kansas; and should they be removed to the 
Indian country, and our forces again be compelled to fall back for die 
protection of Missouri or Kansas, it would again involve their precipitate 
flight, or insure their total destruction. 

"Again -the effectiveness of our troops would be materially embarased 
by the presence of such a vast number of timid and helpless creatures -I 
base my judgment upon the following facts -viz.: 

"The expedition which I have been with during the summer, exploring 
this country, consisted of three Brigades but containing actually only about 
6 thousand men. We routed, captured, and pursued the fragments of several 
Rebel commands, driving them south of the Arkansas River, opposite to, 
and in the vicinity of Fort Gibson. This done, we found the whole of 
Western Arkansas alive, and die numerous rebel squads were at once 
reinforced from the guerila parties of Missouri, Arkansas^ Texas, and the 
various rebel Indian tribes, until they now number a force of from 30 to 
40 thousand strong, under the command of Pike, Drew, Mcintosh, Rains, 
Stand Watie and others, ready to contest the passage of the Arkansas River 
at any point and in fact capable of crossing to the north side of the river 
and possessing the country we have twice passed over. Why did our 
command fall back? Simply because we had not force sufficient to cross 
the Arkansas River and maintain our position and because we were to 
remote from our dipo of supplies. 

"The Creek country west of the Verdigris River is almost destitute 

^^ A dispute between Blunt and Coffin had been going on for some 
time. In August, Coffin wrote to Mix that "The contrariness and interfer- 



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Removal of the Refugees 211 

suspicions of graft and peculation *^^ and the moment, 
following the defeat of the Confederates at old Fort 
Wayne, seemed rather auspicious for the return of the 
refugees. In reality, it was not, however ; for the Feder- 
als were far from possessing Indian Territory and they 
had no force that they could devote to it exclusively. 

of forage for man or beast, owing to the drouth -Hence to remove these 
families would involve to the gov't gremt additional expense, not only to 
subsist but to protect them -Where they are they need no military pro- 
tection and food is abundant 

"You will bear in mind that a large portion of the Indian country is 
south of die Arkansas River and is at present the stronghold of the Rebels. 
Many portions of it mountainous and rugged, affording secure retreats that 
will require a powerful army to dislodge." - A. C. Eluthoiipb to Coffin, 
September 12, 1862, Indian Office General Files, Southern Suferintindency^ 
1859-1862. 

ence manifested by the military authorities in the Indian Country towards 
those who are having charge of the Indians within the Cherokee Nation 
is so annoying and embarrassing that it has become unpleasant, difficult, 
and almost impossible for them to attend to the duties of their official 
capacities with success. If the Military would only make it their business 
to rid die Indian Territory of Rebels instead of intermeddling with the 
affairs of the Interior Department or those connected with or acting for 
the same, the Refugee Indians in Kansas might have long since been en- 
abled to return to their homes . . ."-Indian Office General Files, 
Southern Superintendency, 1863-1864, C 466. 

'*7It was not long before the Indians were complaining of the very 
things that General Blunt suspected. For instance, in December, the Dela- 
wares begged President Lincoln to remove Agent Johnson because of his pecula- 
tions and ungovernable temper. They also asked that the store of Thomas 
Carney and Co. be ordered away from their reservation. The latter request 
had been made before, the Delawares believing that Leavenworth and 
Lawrence were sufficiently near for them to trade independently [Indian 
Office General Files, Delaware, 1862-1866]. Coffin made a contract with 
Stettaner Bros. November 29, 1862, and Dole confirmed it by letter, Decem- 
ber 13, 1862 libid,, Southern Superintendency, 1863-1864]. Secretary Smith 
was not very well satisfied with the Stettaner bids. They were too inde- 
finite libid., 1859-1862V 1 837]. Nevertheless, Dole, who was none too 
scrupulous himself, recommended their acceptance [Dole to Smith, Decem- 
ber II, 1862]. Number 201 of Indian Office Special Files is especially 
rich in matter relating to transactions of Stettaner Bros., Carney and Stev- 
ens, and Perry Fuller, so also are the files of the Indian Division of the 
Interior Department, and also, to some extent, the House Files in the. Capitol 
Building at Washington, D.C. 



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212 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Aside from pointing out the military inadequacy, 
Coffin had chiefly argued that provisions could easily 
be obtained where the refugees then were; but his op- 
position to Blunt's suggestion was considerably vitiated 
by recommendations of his own, soon given, for the 
removal of the refugees to the Sac and Fox Agency 
upon the plea that they could not be supported much 
longer to advantage in southern Kansas. The drouth 
was the main reason given ; but, as Kile had very truly 
said, the settlers were getting pretty tired of the Indian 
exiles, whose habits were filthy and who were extreme- 
ly prodigal in their use of timber. The Sac and Fox 
Agency was headquarters for the Sacs and Foxes of 
Mississippi, for the Ottawas, and for the confederated 
Chippewas and Munsees. C, C. Hutchinson was the 
agent there and there Perry Fuller, Robert S. Stevens, 
and other sharpers had their base of operations. 

The removal northward was undertaken in October 
and consummated in a little less than two months; but 
at an expense that was enormous and in spite of great 
unwillingness on the part of most of the Indians, who 
naturally objected to so greatly lengthening the dis- 
tance between them and their own homes.*" The 
refugees were distributed in tribal groups rather gen- 
erally over the reserves included within the Sac and 
Fox Agency. At the request of Agent Elder, the 
Ottawas consented to accommodate the Seneca-Shaw- 
nees and the Quapaws, although not without expressing 
their fears that the dances and carousals of the Qua- 
paws would demoralize their young men*" and, finally, 
not without insisting upon a mutual agreement that no 

»w Coffin to Dole, November 14, 1862, ihid,, Indian Office General Files, 
Southern Superintindgncy, 1859-1862. 

"•C. C. Hutchinson to Dole, August 21, 1863, Indian Office General 
Files, Ottawa, 1863-1872, D236. 



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Removal of the Refugees 213 

spirituous liquors should be brought within the limits 
of their Reserve under any circumstances whatsoever."" 
The Creeks, Choctaws, and Chickasaws found a lodg- 
ment on the Sac and Fox Reservation and the Seminoles 
fairly close at hand, at Neosho Falls. That was as far 
north as they could be induced to go. 

Of the Cherokees, more needs to be said for they 
were not so easily disposed of. At various times dur- 
ing the past summer, Cherokees, opposed to, not identi- 
fied with, or not enthusiastic in the Confederate cause, 
had escaped from Indian Territory and had collected 
on the Neutral Lands. Every Confederate reverse or 
Federal triumph, no matter how slight, had proved a 
signal for flight. By October, the Cherokee refugees 
on the Neutral Lands were reported to be nearly two 
thousand in number, which, allowing for some exag- 
geration for the sake of getting a larger portion of 
relief, was a goodly section of the tribal population."* 
At the end of October, Superintendent Coffin paid 
them a visit and urged them to remove to the Sac and 
Fox Agency, whither the majority of their comrades 
in distress were at that very moment going.*" The 
Cherokees refused ; for General Blunt had given them 
his word that, if he were successful in penetrating the 
Indian Territory, they should at once go home."* Not 
long after Cofl[in's departure, their camp on Drywood 

••oj. T. Jones to Dole, December 30, 1862, Indian Office General Filet, 
Sac and Fox, 1862-1866. The precautions proved of little value. Whiskey 
was procured by both the hosts and their guests and great disorders resulted. 
Agent Hutchinson did his best to have the refugees renaoved, but, in his 
absence, the Ottawas were prevailed upon by Agent Elder to extend their 
hospitality for a while longer. 

*^ Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, 137. 

M^Ilfid,, 1863, «75. 

**s Coffin to Dole, November xo^ 1862, enclosing copies of a correspond- 
ence between him and a committee of the Cherokee refugees, October 31, 
1862, Indian Office General Files, Cherokee, 1859-1865, C 1892. 



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214 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Creek, about twelve miles south of Fort Scott, was 
raided by guerrillas ; *•* but even that had no effect up- 
on their determination to remain. The Neutral Lands, 
although greatly intruded upon by white people, were 
legally their own and they declined to budge from them 
at the instance of Superintendent Coffin. 

Arrangements were undertaken for supplying the 
Cherokee refugees with material relief ;••• but scarcely 
had anything been done to that end when, to Coffin's 
utter surprise, as he said, the military authorities "took 
forcible possession of them" and had them all conveyed 
to Neosho, Missouri, presumably out of his reach. 
But Coffin would not release his hold and detailed the 
new Cherokee agent, James Harlan,*** and Special 
Agent A. G. Proctor to follow them there. 

John Ross, his family, and a few friends were, mean- 
while, constituting another kind of refugee in the eastern 
part of the United States.**^ and were criticized by some 

B9* Coffin to Dole, November 14, 1862, Indian Office General Filet, South- 
em Supirintendincy^ iS59-i86a. 

*^* Coffin to Mix, August 31, 1863, Indian Office General Filet, Southern 
Superintendency, 1 863-1 864, C466. A. M. Jordan, who acted at commissary 
to the Cherokees at Camp Drywood, reported to Dole, December 6, 1863, 
that he was feeding about a thousand who were then there libid,, Cherokee, 
1 847 of 1862]. 

*^ Charles W. Chatterton, of Springfield, Illinois, who had been ap- 
pointed Cherokee agent in the place of John Crawford, removed [Dole to 
Coffin, March 18, 1862, ibid.. Letter Book, no. 67 pp. 492-493] had died, August 
31, at the Sac and Fox Agency [Hutchinson to Mix September i, 1862, ibid,. 
General Files, Cherokee, H538 of 1862]; Coffin to Dole, September 13, 
1862, ibid., €1827: W. H. Herndon to Dole, November 15, 1862, ibid., 
H605]. Harlan was not regularly commissioned as Cherokee agent until 
January, 1863 [Coffin to Dole, April 7, 1863, ibid., C143 of 1863; Harlan 
to Dole, January 26, 1863, ibid., H 37 of 1863]. 

B^TJohn Ross asked help for his own family and for the families of 
various relations, thirty-four persons in all. He wanted five hundred dollars 
for each person [Ross to Dole, October 13, 1862, ibid., R1857 of 1862]. Later, 
he asked for seventeen diousand dollars, likewise for maintenance [Ross to 
Dole, November 19, 1862, ibidJ]. The beginning of the next year, he notified the 
department that some of his party were about to return home libid., R 14 of 



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Removal of the Refugees 215 

of their opponents for living in too sumptuous a man- 
ner/** 

The removal, under military supervision, of the 
Cherokee refugees, had some justification in various 
facts, Blunt's firm conviction that Cofl[in and his insti- 
gators or abettors were exploiting the Indian service, 
that the refugees at Leroy were not being properly 
cared for, and that those on the Neutral Lands had put 
themselves directly under the protection of the army."* 
His then was the responsibility. When planning his 
second Indian Expedition, Blunt had discovered that 
the Indian men were not at all inclined to accompany 
it unless they could have some stronger guarantee than 
any yet given that their families would be well looked 
after in their absence. They had returned from the 
first expedition to find their women and children and 
aged men, sick, ill-fed, and unhappy. 

It was with knowledge of such things and with the 
hope that they would soon be put a stop to and their 
repetition prevented by a return of the refugees to 
Indian Territory, that John Ross, in October, made a 
personal appeal to President Lincoln and interceded 
with him to send a military force down, sufl[icient to 
over-awe the Confederates and to take actual possession 

1863] and requested that transportation from Leavenworth and lupplies 
be furnished them [Indian Office General Files, Cherokiet R13 of 1863]. 
Dole informed Coffin that the request should be granted [see Office letter of 
January 6, 1863] and continued forwarding to John Ross his share of the 
former remittance [Indian Office Letter Book^ no. 69, 503]. To make the 
monetary allowance to John Ross, Cherokee chief, the Chickasaw funds 
were drawn upon [Second Auditor, E. B. Trench, to Dole, June 19, 1863, 
ibid,, General Files, Cherokee, Aaoa of 1863; Office letter of June 20, 
1863]. 

*** Ross and others to Dole, July 29, 2864 [ibid,. General Piles, Cherokee, 
1859-1865, R 360] ; Secretary of the Interior to Ross, August 25, 1864 libid., 
1 651]; John Ross and Evan Jones to Dole, August 26, 1864 {ibid., RS78]; 
Office letter of October 14, 1864; Coffin's letter of July 8, 1864. 

*** Blunt to Smith, November 21, 1862. 



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2i6 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

of the land. Lincoln's sympathies and sense of justice 
were immediately aroused and he inquired of General 
Curtis, in the field, as to the practicability of occupy- 
ing "the Cherokee country consistently with the public 
service."*^ Curtis evaded the direct issue, which was 
the Federal obligation to protect its wards, by boasting 
that he had just driven the enemy into the Indian Ter- 
ritory "and beyond" and by doubting "the expediency 
of occupying ground so remote from supplies."*®* 

General Blunt's force continued to hold the north- 
eastern part of the Cherokee country until the end of 
October when it fell back, crossed the line, and moved 
along the Bentonville road in order to meet its supply 
train from Fort Scott.*®* Blunt's division finally took 
its stand on Prairie Creek •"• and, on the twelfth of No- 
vember, made its main camp on Lindsay's prairie, near 
the Indian boundary.*** The rout of Cooper at Fort 
Wayne had shaken the faith of many Indians in the 
invincibility of the Confederate arms. They had dis- 
banded and gone home, declaring "their purpose to 
join the Federal troops the first opportunity" that pre- 
sented itself.*** To secure them and to reconnoitre 
once more. Colonel Phillips had started out near the 
beginning of November and, from the third to the 
fifth, had made his way down through the Cherokee 
Nation, by way of Tahlequah and Park Hill, to 
Webber's Falls on the Arkansas.*** His return was by 

*^ Lincoln to Curtis^ October lo, i86a, Official Records, vol. xiii, 723. 
••^Curtii to Lincoln, October 10, i86a, ibid, 
^WBritton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 376-377. 
^•---Ibid, 379- 

«04 — Ibid., 380; Bishop, Loyalty on the Frontier, 56. 
•05 Blunt to Schofield, November 9, 1862, Official Records, vol. xiii, 785. 
eoen. W. Martin to Coffin, December ao, 1862, Indian Office General 
Files, Southern Superintendency, 1859-1862, C 1950. 



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Removal of the Refugees 217 

Dwight's Mission. His view of the country through 
which he passed must have been discouraging.*"' There 
was little to subsist upon and the few Indians lingering 
there were in a deplorable state of deprivation, little 
food, little clothing*®' and it was winter-time. 

So desolate and abandoned did the Cherokee country 
appear that General Blunt considered it would be eas- 
ily possible to hold it with his Indian force alone, three 
regiments, yet he said no more about the immediate 
return of the refugees,**** but issued an order for their 
removal to Neosho. The wisdom of his action might 
well be questioned since the expense of supporting them 
there would be immeasurably greater than in Kansas *** 
unless, indeed, the military authorities intended to as- 
sume the entire charge of them.*" Special Agent Mar- 
tin regarded some talk that was rife of letting them for- 
age upon the impoverished people of Missouri as 

^o^It was not ditcouragiDg to Blunt, however. Hit letter referring to 
it was even sanguine [Official Records, vol. xiii, 785-786]. 

*<^ Martin to Cofiin, December ao^ 186a. 

*<^The Interior Department considered it, however, and consulted with 
the War Department as late as the twenty-sixth. See Register of Letters 
Received, vol. D., p. 155. 

•^0 C6ffin to Henning, December a8, i86a» Indian Office Consolidated FileS| 
Cherokee, C 17 of 1863. 

«^^ Coffin's letter to Dole of December ao [Indian Office General Files, 
Southern Suferintendencf, 1859-1863, €1950] would imply that the super- 
intendent expected that to be the case. He said, having reference to 
Martin's report, "... The statement of facts which he makes, from 
all the information I have from other sources, I have no doubt are 
strictly true and will no doubt meet your serious consideration. 

'^f the Programme as fixed up by the Military Officers, and which 
I learn Dr. Gillpatrick is the bearer to your city and the solicitor general 
to procure its adoption is carried out, the Indian Department, superintend- 
ent, and agents may all be dispensed with. The proposition reminds me 
of the Fable of the Wolves and the Shepherds, the wolves represented to 
the shepherds that it was very expensive keeping dogs to guard the sheep, 
which was wholly unnecessary; that if they would kill off the dogs, they, 
the wolves, would protect the sheep without any compensation whatever." 



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21 8 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

sheer humbug. The army was not doing that and why 
should the defenceless Indians be expected to do it. As 
it was, they seem to have been reduced to plundering 
in Kansas.*" On the whole, it is difficult to explain 
Blunt's plan for the concentration of the Cherokee refu- 
gees at Neosho, since there were, at the time, many indi- 
cations that Hindman was considering another advance 
and an invasion of southwest Missouri. 

The November operations of the Federals in north- 
eastern Arkansas were directed toward arresting Hind- 
man's progress, if progress were contemplated. Mean- 
while, Phillips with detachments of his Indian brigade 
was continuing his reconnoissances and, when word 
came that Stand Watie had ventured north of the Ar- 
kansas, Blunt sent him to compel a recrossing.*" Stand 
Watie's exploit was undoubtedly a preliminary to a 
general Confederate plan for the recovery of north- 
western Arkansas and the Indian Territory, a plan, 
which Blunt, vigorous and aggressive, was determined 
to circumvent In the action at Cane Hill,*" the latter 
part of November, and in the Battle of Prairie Grove,*" 
December seventh, the mettle of the Federals was put 
to a severe test which it stood successfully and Blunt's 
cardinal purpose was fully accomplished.*" In both en- 
gagements, the Indians played a part and played it con- 

^^> These Indians must have been the ones referred to in Richard C. 
Vaughn's letter to Colonel W. D. Wood, December i, 1862 [Oficial Records^ 
vol. xxii, part i» 796]. 

«*• Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, p. 3S2. 

*** — Ibid.^ vol. i, chapter xxix. 

616 — Ibid,^ vol. i, chapter xxx; Official Records, vol. xxii, part i, 66-8a, 
82-158, vol. liii, supplement; 458-461, 866, 867; Livermore, The Story of the 
Civil War, part iii, bk. i, 84-85. 

*^*One opinion is to the effect that the result of the Battle of Prairie 
Grove, Fayetteville, or Illinois Creek, was virtually to end the war north 
of die Arkansas River [ibid,, p. 85; Official Records, vol. zxii, part i, 82]. 



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Removal of the Refugees 219 

spicuously and well, the northern regiments so well,*" 
indeed, that shortly afterwards two additional ones, the 
Fourth and the Fifth, were projected.*" Towards the 
end of the year, Phillips, whom Blunt had sent upon 
another excursion into Indian Territory,*" could report 

Bishop wrote, "After the battle of Prairie Grove, aod the gradual retrogrea- 
tion of the Army of the Frontier into Missouri, Payetteville was still held 
as a military post, and those of us who remained there were given to 
understand that the place would not be abandoned. . . The demoral- 
ized enemy had fallen back to Little Rock, with the exception of weak 
nomadic forces that, like Stygian ghosts, wandered up and down the 
Arkansas from Dardanelle to Fort Smith. . ." {Loyalty on tke FronHer^ 
205]. Schofield was of the opinion, however, that the Battle of Prairie Grove 
was a hard-won victory. ''Blunt and Herron were badly beaten in detail, 
and owed their escape to a false report of my arrival with re-enforcements." 
\P$cial Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, p. 6]. 

*^^And yet it was only a short time previously that Major A. C. 
Ellithorpe, commanding the First Regiment Indian Home Guards, had had 
cause to complain seriously of the Creeks of that regiment On November 
7, he wrote from Camp Bowen that Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la was enticing the 
Indians away from the performance of their duties. "You will now perceive 
that we are on the border of the Indian country and a very large portion 
of the Indians are now scouting through their own Territory. What I 
now desire is that every man who was enlisted as a soldier shall at once 
return to his command by the way of Fort Scott unless otherwise ordered 
by competent authority. . ." [Indian Office Land Files, Southern Super* 
intendency, i8$$-i870, C 1933]. Coffin, as usual, appeared as an apologist 
for the Indians and attempted to exonerate Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la from all 
blame [Letter to Dole, December 3, 1862, tbidJl, He called the aged chief, 
"that noble old Roman of the Indians^*' and the chief himself protested 
against the injustice and untruth of Ellithrope's accusation [Opoeth-le-yo- 
ho-la to Coffin, November 34, 1863, %Hd,'\, 

*^' Officers for these two regiments were appointed by the president, 
December 26, 1862, and ordered to report to Blunt, who, in turn ordered 
them to report to Phillips. When the officers arrived in Indian Territory, 
they found no such regiments as the Fourth and Fifth Indian [U.S, Senate 
Report, 41st congress, third session, no. 359]. They never did materialize 
as a matter of fact; but the officers did duty, nevertheless, and were reg- 
ularly mustered out of the service in 1863. In 1864, Congress passed an 
act for the adjudication of their claim for salary \U,S, Statutes at Large^ 
vol. xiii, 4x3]. It is rather surprising that the regiments were not or- 
ganized; inasmuch as many new recruits were constantly presenting them- 
selves. 

*^^ Phillips to Blunt, December 25, 1862 [Official Records, voL xxii, part i, 
«73-S74]. 



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220 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

that Stand Watie and Cooper had been pushed consid- 
erably below the Arkansas, that many of the buildings 
at Fort Davis had been demolished,*** that one of the 
Creek regiments was about to retire from the Confed- 
erate service, and that the Choctaws, once so deeply 
committed, were wavering in their allegiance to the 
South/*^ 



«*<>Tbe buildings at Fort Davit were burnt, and deliberately, by Phillipt't 
orders. [See his own admission, ibid*, part ii, 56, 62]. 
«>^ Blunt to Weed, December 30, 1862, ibid,, part i, 16S. 



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X. NEGOTIATIONS WITH UNION INDIANS 

As though the Indians had not afflictions enough to 
endure merely because of their proximity to the con- 
tending whites, life was made miserable for them, dur- 
ing the period of the Civil War, as much as before and 
after, by the insatiable land-hunger of politicians, spec- 
ulators, and would-be captains of industry, who were 
more often than not, rogues in the disguise of public 
benefactors. Nearly all of them were citizens of Kan- 
sas. The cessions of 1854, negotiated by George W. 
Manypcnny, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, were but 
a prelude to the many that followed. For years and 
years there was in reality never a time when some sort 
of negotiation, sub rosa or official, was not going on. 
The order of procedure was pretty much what it had 
always been: a promise that the remaining land should 
be the Indian's, undisturbed by white men and protected 
by government guarantee, forever; encroachment by en- 
terprising, covetous, and lawless whites ; conflict between 
the two races, the outraged and the aggressive; the ad- 
vent of the schemer, the man with political capital and 
undeveloped or perverted sense of honor, whose vision 
was such that he saw the Indian owner as the only obsta- 
cle in the way of vast material and national progress; 
political pressure upon the administration in Washing- 
ton, lobbying in Congress ; authorization of negotiations 
with the bewildered Indians ; delimitation of the mean- 
ing of the solemn and grandly-sounding word, forever. 

When the war broke out, negotiations, begun in the 



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222 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

border warfare days, were still going on. This was 
most true as regarded the Osages, whose immense hold- 
ing in southern Kansas was something not to be tolerat- 
ed, so the politicians reasoned, indefinitely. Petitions,"* 
praying that the lands be opened to white settlement 
were constantly being sent in and intruders,"* who in- 
tended to force action, becoming more and more numer- 
ous and more and more recalcitrant. One of the first 
official communications of Superintendent Coffin em- 
bodied a plea for getting a treaty of cession for which 
the signs had seemed favorable the previous year. Cof- 
fin, however, discredited*** a certain Dr. J. B. Chapman, 
who, notwithstanding he represented white capitalists,*** 
had yet found favor with the Osages. To their ever- 

enpor example, take the petitiont forwarded by M. W. Delahay, tur- 
¥eyor-general of Kansas [Indian 0£Bce Consolidated Files, Neosho, D455 of 
1861]. One of the petitions contains this statement: "... The lands 
being largely settled upon and improved and those adjacent being all 
claimed and settled upon by residents -while a large emigration from 
Texas and other rebellious States are forced to seek homes in a more 
northern and uncongenial climate greatly against their interests and in- 
clinations. . ." 

*** Intruders upon the Osage lands, as upon the Cherokee Neutral, were 
numerous for years before the war. Agent Dom was continually com- 
plaining of them, chiefly because they were free-state in politics. He 
again and again asked for military assistance in removing them. See his 
letter to Greenwood, February 26, 1860^ Neosho, 1833-1865, D 107. Buchan- 
an's administration had conceived the ideli of locating other Kansas Indians 
upon the huge Osage Reserve. See Dom to Greenwood, March 26, i860, ibid.^ 
D 119. Apparently, the fragments of tribes in the northeastern corner of 
Indian Territory had been approached on the same subject, but they did 
not favor it and Agent Dom was doubtful if the Osages would [Dom to 
Greenwood, April 17, 1860^ ibid,^ D 129]. 

*'*He described him as a self-appointed guardian of the Osages, as 
a scamp and a nuisance [Coffin to Dole, June 17, 1861, ibid,, C 1223 of 
1861]. 

ess Chapman, August 26, 1860^ inquired of Greenwood whether there 
was any prospect of a treaty being negotiated with the Osages and whether 
the capitalists he represented would be likely to secure railroad rights to 
the South by it He asserted that the Delawares had been '^lumbugged" 
by their treaty, it having been negotiated "in the interests of the Democrats 
at Leavenworth" [ibid,, C702 of i860]. 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 223 

lasting sorrow and despoliation, the Indians have been 
fated to place a child-like trust in those least worthy. 

The defection of por tions of the southern tri^^ 
fered an undreamed of opportunity for Kansaspoliti- 
cians to a ccom plish jheir purposes. They had earlier 
thought of removing the Kansas tribes, one by one, to 
Indian Territory; but the tribes already there had a lien 
upon the land, titles, and other rights, that could not be 
ignored. Their possession was to continue so long as 
the grass should grow and the water should run. It 
was not for the government to say that they should open 
their doors to anybody. An early intimation that the 
Kansans saw their opportunity was a resolution"* sub- 
mitted by James H. Lane to the Senate, March 17, 
1862, proposing an inquiry into "the proprie ty and ex- 
pedie ncy of exten ding Jhc^spjg^^^ boundary of Kansas 
to^^ffiejjoiihern^boundaryL^^ to include 

within the boundaries of Kansas the territory known as 
the Indian territory." Obviously, the proposition had 
a military object immediately in view; but Commis- 
sioner Dole, to whom it was referred, saw its ulterior 
meaning and reported"^ adversely upon it as he had 
upon an earlier proposition to erect a regular territorial 
form of government in the Indian country south of Kan- 
sas."' He was "unable to perceive any advantage to 
be derived from the adoption of such a measure, since 
the same military power that would be required to en- 
force the authority of territorial officers is all-sufficient 
to protect and enforce the authority of such officers as 
are required in the management of our present system 

*>* United State Congressional Globe, 37th congress, second session, part 
ii, p. 1246. 
•'^Dole to Smith, April 2, 1862, Indian Office Report Book, no. la, 

353-354- 

sssDole to Smith, March 17, 1862, ibid,, 335-337. 



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224 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

of Indian relations." **• And he insisted that the whole 
of the present Indian country should be left to the In- 
dians."® The honor of the government was pledged to 
that end. Almost coincidently he negatived*" another 
suggestion, one advocated by Pomeroy for the confisca- 
tion of the Cherokee Neutral Lands.*" For the time 
being, Dole was strongly opposed to throwing either the 
Neutral Lands or the Osage Reserve open to white set- 
tlers. 

Behind Pomeroy's suggestion was the spirit of retalia- 
tion, of meting out punishment to the Indians, who, be- 
cause they had been so basely deserted by the United 
States government, had gone over to the Confederacy; 
but the Kansas politicians saw a chance to kill two birds 
with one stone, vindictively punish the southern Indians 
for their defection and rid Kansas of the northern In- 
dians, both emigrant and indigenous. The intruders 
upon Indian lands, the speculators and the politicians, 
would get the spoils of victory. Against the idea of 
punishing the southern Indians for what after all was 
far from being entirely their fault, the friends of justice 
marshaled their forces. Dole was not exactly of their 
number; for he had other ends to serve in resisting meas- 
ures advanced by the Kansans, yet, to his credit be it said 
that he did always hold firmly to the notion that tribes 
like the Cherokee were more sinned against than sin- 
ning. The government had been the first to shirk re- 
sponsibility and to violate sacred obligations. It had 
failed to give the protection guaranteed by treaties and 
it was not giving it yet adequately. 

«s»Do]e to Smith, March 17, 1862, Indian Office Report Book, now la, 335. 

•*<> Report of April 2, 1862. 

**^Dole to Smith, March 20, 1862, Indian Office Report Book, no. 12, 

343-344- 

^** Daily Conservative, May 10, 1862. Note the arguments in favor of 
confiscation as quoted from the Western Volunteer. 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 225 

The true friends of justice were men of the stamp of 
W. S. Robertson"* and the Reverend Evan Jones,"* 
who went out of their way to plead the Indian's cause 
and to detail the extenuating circumstances surrounding 
his lamentable failure to keep faith. Supporting the 
men of the opposite camp was even the Legislature of 
Kansas. In no other way can a memorial from the 
General Assembly, urging the extinguishment of the 
title of certain Indian lands in Kansas, be interpreted.*" 

It is not easy to determine always just what motives 
did actuate Commissioner Dole. Tliey were not en- 
tirely above suspicion and his name is indissolubly con- 
nected with some very aefarious Indian transactions; 
but fortunately they have not to be recounted here. At 
the very time when he was offering unanswerable argu- 
ments against the propositions of Lane and Pomeroy, 
he was entertaining something similar to those proposi- 
tions in his own mind. A special agent, Augustus Wat- 
tles, who had been sufficiently familiar and mixed-up 
with the free state and pro-slavery controversy to be 
called upon to give testimony before the Senate Har- 

••• Robertson wrote to the SecreUfy of the Interior, January 7, 186a, 
asking most earnestly "that decisive measures be not taken against the 
oppressed and betrayed people of the Creek and Cherokee tribes, until 
everything is heard about their struggle in the present crisis" [Department 
of the Interior, Registgr of LiUert Riceivid, "Indians," no. 4]. The letter 
was referred to the Indian Ofiice and Mix replied to it, February 14, i86a 
[Indian Office LetUr Book, no. 67, p. 357]. The concluding paragraph of 
the letter is indicative of the government feeling, " ... In reply I 
transmit herewith for your information the Annual Report of this Office, 
which will show . . . what policy has governed the Office as to this 
matter, and that it is in consonance with your wish • . ." 

**^ Jones wrote frequently and at great length on the subject of justice 
to the Cherokees. One of his most heartfelt appeals was that of January 
ai, i86a [Indian Office Consolidated Files, Chtrokte^ J 556 of i86a]. 

«SB Cyrus Aldrich, representative from Mbnesota and chairman of the 
House Committee on Indian Affairs referred the memorial to the Indian 
Office {Letters Registered, vol. 5S, Southern Superintendence, A. 484 of 
i86a]. 



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226 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

per's Ferry Investigating Committee **• and who had 
been on the editorial staff of the New York Tribune^^^^ 
had, in 1861, been sent by the Indian Office to inspect 
the houses that Robert S. Stevens had contracted to 
build for the Sacs and Foxes of Mississippi and for the 
Kaws."' The whole project of the house-building was 
a fraud upon the Indians, a scheme for using up their 
funds or for transferring them to the pockets of pro- 
moters like Stevens"' and M. C. Dickey •** without the 
trouble of giving value received. 

From a letter*" of protest, written by Stevens against 
Wattles's mission of inspection, it can be inferred that 
there was a movement on foot to induce the Indians to 
emigrate southward. Stevens, not wholly disinterested, 
thought it a poor time to attempt changes in tribal 

*** Robinson, Kansas Con/lid, 358. 

6S7 — Ibid,, 37a For other facts touching Wattles and his earlier 
career, see Villard, John Brown, index; Wilson, John Brown: Soldier of 
Forium, index. 

•saQn the entire subject of negotiations with the Indians of Kansas, 
see Abel, Indian Reservations in Kansas and the Extinguishment of Their 
Titles. The house-building project is fully narrated there. 

esspor additional information about Stevens, see Daily Conservative, 
February 11, 12, 13, 28, 1862. Senator Lane denounced him as a defaulter 
to the government in the house-building project See Lane to Dole, April 
22, 1862; Smith to Dole, ^ May 13 1862; Dole to Lane, May 5, 1862, 
Daily Conservative, May 21, 1862. In July, Lane, hearing that certificates of 
indebtedness were about to be issued to Stevens on his building contract 
for the Sacs and Foxes, entered a "solemn protest against such action" and 
requested that the Department would let the matter lie over until the as- 
sembling of Congress [Interior Department, Register of Letters Received, 
January 2, 1862 to December 27, 1865, "Indians," no. 4]. Governor Robin- 
son's enemies regarded him as the partner of Stevens [Daily Conservative, 
November 22, i86x] in the matter of some other affairs, and that fact may help 
to explain Senator Lane's bitter animosity. The names of Robinson and 
Stevens were connected in the bond difficulty, which lay at the bottom of 
Robinson's impeachment 

•«o i>icke3r's interest in the house-building is seen in the following: 
Dickey to Greenwood, February 26, x86x, Indian Office General Files, 
Kansas^ 1855-1862, D250; same to same, March x, x86x, ibid,, D25X. 

•«i Stevens to Mix, August 24, x86x, Indian Office Special Files, no. 20X, 
Sac and Fox, S 439 of x86x. 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 227 

policy. His conclusions were right, his premises, nec- 
essarily unrevealed, were false. Wattles became in- 
volved in the emigration movement, if he did not initi- 
ate it, and, subsequent to making his report upon the 
house-building, received a private communication from 
Dole, asking his opinion ''of a plan for confederating 
the various Indian tribes, in Kansas and Nebraska, into 
one, and giving them a Territory and a Territorial 
Government with political privileges."*" This was in 
1 86 1, long before any scheme that Lane or Pomeroy 
had devised would have matured. Wattles started up- 
on a tour of observation and inquiry among the Kansas 
tribes and discovered that, with few exceptions, they 
were all willing and even anxious to exchange their 
present homes for homes in Indian Territory. Some had 
already discussed the matter tentatively and on their own 
account with the Creeks and Cherokees. On his way 
east, after completing his investigations. Wattles stopped 
in New York and "consulted with our political friends" 
there "concerning this movement, and they not only 
gave it their approbation, but were anxious that this 
administration should have the credit of originating 
and carrying out so wise and so noble a scheme for civil- 
izing and perpetuating the Indian race." Would Wat- 
tles and his friends have said the same had they been 
fully cognizant of the conditions under which the emi- 
grant tribes had been placed in the West? 

In February of 1862, the House of Representatives 
called*" for the papers relating to the Wattles mis- 
sion*** and, in March, Wattles expatiated upon the 

*^* Wattles to Dole, January lo, 1862, Indian Office Special Files, no. 
201, Central Superintendency, W52S of 1862. 

•*» Department of the Interior, Rggister of Litters Received, "Indians,*' 
no. 4, p. 439. 

**^The papers relating to the mission are collected in Indian Office 
Special Files, no. 201. 



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228 The India n as Participant in the Civil War 

emigration and consolidation scheme in a report to 
Secretary Smith.*" Then, yet in advance of congres- 
sional authorization, began a systematic course of In- 
dian negotiation, all having in view the relieving of 
Kansas from her aboriginal encumbrance. No means 
were too underhand, too far-fetched, too villainous to 
be resorted to. Every advantage was taken of the In- 
dian's predicament, of his pitiful weakness, political 
and moral. The reputed treason of the southern tribes 
was made the most of. Reconstruction measures had 
begun for the Indians before the war was over and 
while its issue was very far from being determined in 
favor of the North. 

As if urged thereto by some influence malign or fate 
sinister, the loyal portion of two of the southern 
tribes, the Creeks and the Seminoles, took in April, 
1862, a certain action that, all unbeknown to them, ex- 
pedited the northern schemes for Indian undoing. The 
action referred to was tribal reorganization. Each of 
the two groups of refugees elected chiefs and headmen 
and notified the United States government that it was 
prepared to do business as a nation.*" The business in 
mind had to do with annuity payments**^ and other 
dues but the Indian Office soon extended it to include 
treaty-making. 

*^ Indian Office Consolidated Files, Central Supmntimdiucy, W 528 of 
186a; Department of the Interior, Renter of Utters Received, Indians/' 
no. 4, p. 517. 

«4« Ok-ta-ha-ras Harjo and others to Dole, April 5, 1862, Indian Office 
Genera] Files, Creek, 1860-1869, O45; Coffin to Dole, April 15, 1862, trans- 
mitting communication of Billy Bowlegs and others, April 14, i86a ibid., 
Seminole, 1858-1869, C1594; Letters Registered, vol. 58. 

*^^0n the outside of the Seminole petition, the office instruction for its 
answer of May 7, 1862, reads as follows: "Say that by resolution of Congress 
the annuities were authorized to be used to prevent starvation and suflFering 
amongst them and that being the only fund in our hands must not be 
diverted from that purpose at present" 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 229 

Negotiations with the Osages had been going on in- 
termittently all this time. No opportunity to press the 
point of a land cession had ever been neglected and 
much had been made, in connection with the project 
for territorial organization, of the fact that the Osages 
had memorialized Congress for a civil government, 
they thinking by means of it to prevent further frauds 
and impositions being practiced upon them.*** Coffin 
and Elder, suspicious of each other, jealously watched 
every avenue oif approach to Osage confidence. On the 
ninth of March, Elder inquired if Coffin had been 
regularly commissioned to open up negotiations anew 
and asked to be associated with him if he had.*** A treaty 
was started but not finished for Elder received a private 
letter from Dole that seemed to confine the negotiations 
to a mere ascertaining of views.*** Then the Indians 
grown weary of uncertainty took matters into their own 
hands and appointed several prominent tribesmen for 
the express purpose of negotiating a treaty that would 
end the "suspense as to their future destiny." **^ From 
the treaty of cession that Coffin drafted, he having taken 
a miserably unfair advantage of Osage isolation and 
destitution, the Osages turned away in disgust.*** In 
November, some of their leading men journeyed up to 
Leroy to invite the dissatisfied Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la to 
winter with them.*** Coffin seized the occasion to re- 
open the subject of a cession and the Indians manifested 

*^s Indian Office Consolidated Filet, Neosho, A 476 of 1863. See alto 
Indian Office report to the Secretary of the Interior, May 6, 1863. The 
Commissioner't letter and the memorial were tent to Aldrich, May 9, 1862. 

•«• Indian Office Consolidated Files, Niosho, £ 94 of 1862. 

•so Coffin to Dole, April 5, 1862, ibid,, C 1583. 

^^Communication of April 10, 1862, transmitted by Chapman to Dole, 
ihid^ Ci64a 

ets£ider to Coffin, July 9, 1862, ibid,, £114. 

M* Coffin to Dole, November 16, 1S62, ibid., C 1904. 



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230 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

a willingness to sell a part of their Reserve; but again 
Coffin was too grasping and another season of waiting 
intervened. 

With slightly better success the Kickapoos were ap- 
proached. Their lands were coveted by the Atchison 
and Pike's Peak Railway Company and Agent O. B. 
Keith used his good offices in the interest of that cor- 
poration.*" Good offices they were, from the stand- 
point of benefit to the grantees, but most disreputable 
from that of the grantors. He bribed the chiefs out- 
rageously and the lesser men among the Kickapoos in- 
dignantly protested.*** Rival political and capitalistic 
concerns, emanating from St. Joseph, Missouri, and 
from the northern tier of counties in Kansas,*** took up 
the quarrel and never rested until they had forced a 
hearing from the government. The treaty was arrested 
after it had reached the presidential proclamation stage 
and was in serious danger of complete invalidation.*** 
It passed muster only when a Senate amendment had 
rendered it reasonably acceptable to the Kickapoos. 

Not much headway was made with Indian treaty- 
making in 1862.*** In March, 1863, an element con- 

•B« Indian Offioe Consoltdated Files, Kickapoo, I 6$$ of i86a and I 361 of 
1864. 

wi-^Ibid., B355 of X863 and I 361 of 1864. 

•••Albert W. Horton to Pomeroy, June ao, 1863 and O. B. Keith to 
Pomeroy, June 20, 1863, Indian Oflke Consolidated Files, Kickapoo, G 59 and 
P 64 of 1863. 

••7 Lane and A. C. Wilder requested the Interior Department, Septem- 
ber X, 1863, "that no rights be permitted to attach to R. R. Co. until charges 
of fraud in connection with Kickapoo Treaty are settled." Their request 
was replied to, September X2, 1863 [Interior Department, RegtsUr of Letters 
Received, January 2, 1862 to December 27, 1865, 'Indians," no. 4, 361]. 

•••Dole, however, seems to have become thoroughly reconciled to the 
idea. He submitted his views upon the subject once more in connection 
with a memorial that Pomeroy referred to the Secretary of the Interior 
"for the concentration of the Indian tribes of the West and especially those 
of Kansas, in the Indian country . . ." [Dole to Smith, November 22, 
1862, Indian Offioe Report Book, no. 12, pp. 505-506; Department of the 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 231 

ditioning a greater degree of success was introduced 
into the government policy."* That was by the Indian 
appropriation act, which, in addition to continuing the 
practice of applying tribal annuities to the relief of 
refugees, authorized the president to negotiate with 
Kansas tribes for their removal from Kansas and with 
the loyal portion of Indian Territory tribes for ces- 
sions of land on which to accommodate them.*®* As 
Dole pertinently tremarked to Secretary Usher, the 
measure was all very well as a policy in prospect but 
it was one that most certainly could not be carried out 
until Indian Territory was in Federal possession. Blunt 
was still striving after possession or re-possession but his 
force was not "sufficient to insure beyond peradventure 
his success."*" 

Scarcely had the law been enacted when John Ross 
and other Cherokees, living in exile and in affluence, 
offered to consider proposals for a retrocession to the 
United States public domain of their Neutral Lands. 
The Indian Office was not yet prepared to treat and not 
until November did Ross and his associates*" get any 

Interior, Register of Letters Received, vol. D, November 22, 1862]. De- 
cember 26, 1862, Dole wrote to Smith thus: ** . • . It being in contempla- 
tion to extinguish the Indian title to lands ... in Kansas and provide 
them with homes in the Indian Territory ... I would recommend that 
a commissioner should be appointed to negotiate ... I would accord- 
ingly suggest that Robtl S. Corwin be appointed . . ." [Indian Office 
Report Book, no. 13, pp. 12-13]. Now Corwin's reputation was not such 
as would warrant his selection for the post He was not a man of strict 
integrity. His name is connected with many shady transactions in the early 
history of Kansas. 

•ss Presumably, Lane was the chief promoter of it. See Baptiste Peoria 
to Dole, Februaiy 9, 1863, Indian Office General Files, Osage River, 1863- 
1867. 

^^U,S, Statutes at Large, vol. xii, 793. 

**^ Dole to Usher, July 29, 1863, Indian Office Report Book, no. 13, p. 2x1. 

**'His associates were then the three men, Lewis Downing, James 
McDaniel, and Evan Jones, who had been appointed delegattes with him, 



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232 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

real encouragement *** to renew their offer, yet the Cher- 
okees had as early as February repudiated their alliance 
with the southern Confederacy. That the United 
States government was only awaiting a time most propi- 
tious for itself is evident from the fact that, when, in the 
spring following, refugees from the Neutral Lands 
were given an opportunity to begin their backward trek, 
they were told that they would not be permitted to lin- 
ger at their old homes but would have to go on all the 
way to Fort Gibson, one hundred twenty miles farther 
south.*** That was one way of ridding Kansas of her 
Indians and a way not very creditable to a professed 
and powerful guardian. 

Almost simultaneously with Ross's first application 
came an offer from the oppressed Delawares to look for 
a new home in the far west, in Washington Territory. 
The majority preferred to go to the Cherokee country.*** 
Some of the tribe had already lived there and wanted 
to return. Had the minority gained their point, the 
Delawares would have traversed the whole continent 
within the space of about two and a half centuries. They 
would have wandered from the Atlantic to the Pacific, 
from the Susquehanna River to the Willamette, in a 
desperate effort to escape the avaricious pioneer, and, 
to their own chagrin, they would have found him on the 
western coast also. Never again would there be any 
place for them free from his influence. 

In the summer of 1863, negotiations were undertaken 

by the newly-conttructed nfttional council, for doing businett with the 
United States government [Commissioner of Indian AflFairs, Rifori, 1S63, 

p. as]- 

M* See Oflke letter of November 19, 1863. 

M^ David M. Harlan to Dole, December ao, 1864, Indian Office General 
Files, Cherokee 1859-1865, H 1033. 

*** Johnson to Dole, May 24, 1863, ibid., Delawan, 1862-1866. 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 233 

in deadly earnest. A commencement was made with 
the Creeks in May, Agent Cutler calling the chiefs in 
council and laying before them the draft of a treaty 
that had been prepared, upon the advice of CofBn,**® in 
Washington and that had been entrusted for transmis- 
sion to the unscrupulous ex-agent. Perry Fuller.**^ The 
Creek chiefs consented to sell a tract of land for locat- 
ing other Indians upon, but declared themselves op- 
posed to any plan for "sectionizing" their country and 
asked that they might be consulted as to the Indians 
who were to share it with them. The month before 
they had prayed to be allowed to go back home. Well 
fed and clothed though they were, and quite satisfied 
with their agent, they were terribly homesick.**' Might 
they not go down and clean out their country for them- 
selves? It seemed impossible for the army to do it*** 
Coffin next came forward with a suggestion that In- 
dian colonization in Texas would be far preferable to 
colonization elsewhere, although if nothing better could 
be done, he would advocate the selection of the Osage 
land on the Arkansas and its tributaries.*'* Why he 
wanted to steer clear of the Indian Territory is not evi- 

***** . . . I would most respectfully suggest that ft Treaty be gotten 
up by you and the Sec^^r of the Interior, and sent to me and Gov. Carney 
and some other suitable com. to have ratified in due form and returned. 
And you will pardon me for saying that the Treaty should be a model for 
all that are to follow with the broken and greatly reduced, and fragmenta! 
tribes in the Indian Territory, and may be made greatly to promote the 
interests of the Indians and the Government especially in view of the 
removal of the Indians from Kansas and Nebraska as contemplated by 
recent Act of Congress." - Coitin to Dole, March 32, 1863, ibid., Land Files, 
Southern Superintendency, 1855-1870, C 117. 

**7 Cutler to Dole, May, 1863, ibid., General Files, Creek, 1860-1869, C 24a 

*** Ok-ta-ha-ras Harjo and others to "Our Father," April i, 1863, 
(Indian Office General Files, Creek, 1860-1869). 

*** Same to same. May 16, 1863, ibid., O 6. 

•TO Coffin to Dole, May 23, 1863, ibid.. Land Files, Southern Superin- 
tendency, 1855-1870. 



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234 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

dent. The Pottawatomies '^^ asked to be allowed to 
settle on the Creek land,*^* but the Creeks were letting 
their treaty hang fire. They wanted it made in Wash- 
ington, D.C., and they wanted one of their great men, 
Mik-ko-hut-kah, then with the army, to assist in its 
negotiation/^* Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la had died in the 
spring*^* and they were seemingly feeling a little help- 
less and forlorn. 

Thinking to make better progress with the treaties 
and better terms if he himself controlled the govern- 
ment end of the negotiations. Commissioner Dole un- 
dertook a trip west in the late summer.*" By the third 
of September the Creek treaty was an accomplished 
fact.*" Aside from the cession of land for the accom- 
modation of Indian emigrants, its most important pro- 
vision was a recognition of the binding force of Lin- 
coln's Emancipation Proclamation. In due course, the 
treaty went to the Senate and, in March, was accepted 
by that body with amendments.*" It went back to the 

*^^A treaty had been made with the Pottawatomies by W. W. Rott, 
their agent, November 15, 1861 \ibid,, Pottawatomie^ 1 547 of 1862]. Its 
negotiation was so permeated by fraud that the Indians refused to let it 
stand [Dole to Smith, January 15, 1862]. At this time, 1863, Superintendent 
Branch, against whom charges of gambling, drunkenness, licentiousness, and 
misuse of annuity funds had been preferred by Agent Ross [Indian Office 
General Files, Pottawatomie^ R21 and 1 43 of 1863], ^'* endeavoring to 
persuade Father De Smet to establish a Roman Catholic Mission on their 
Reserve. De Smet declined because of the exigencies of the war. His letter 
of January 5, 1863, has no file mark. 

*T> Cutler to Dole, June 6, 1863, Indian Office General Files, Creek, 
1860-1869. 

tit^lhid. 

*^^ Coffin to Dole, March 22, 1863. 

*^" Proctor's letter of July 31, 1863 would indicate that Dole went to 
the Cherokee Agency before the Sac and Fox. Proctor was writing from 
the former place and he said, "Mr. Dole leaves to-day for Kansas. . ." 
[Indian Office General Files, Southern Superintendency, 1863-1864, C466]. 

*T* Indian Office Land Files, Treaties^ Box 3, 1864-1866. 

«7T Usher to Dole, March 23, 1864, tbid. 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 235 

Indians but they rejected it altogether/'* The Senate 
amendments were not such as they could conscientious- 
ly and honorably submit to and maintain their dignity 
as a preeminently loyal and semi-independent people.*'* 
One of the amendments was particularly obnoxious. It 
affected the provision that deprived the sooithern 
Creeks of all claims upon the old home.*** Dole*s 
Creek treaty of 1863 was never ratified. 

Other treaties negotiated by Dole were with the Sacs 
and Foxes of Mississippi,**^ the Osages, the Shawnees,**" 

*^*It8 binding force upon them was, however, a subject of discussion 
afterwards and for many years [Superintendent Byers to Lewis V. Bogy, 
Commissioner of Indiao Affairs, February 7, 1867, ibid^ General Files, 
Creek, 1860-1869, B94]. 

*^*For an interpretation of the treaty relative to the claims of tiie 
loyal Creeks, see Dole to Lane, January 27, 1864 libid.. Report Book, no. 
i3» PP* 287-291]. It is interesting to note that a certain Mundy Durant 
who had been sixty years in the Creek Nation, put in a claim, February 23, 
1864, in behalf of the "loyal Africans.** He asked "that they have guar- 
anteed to them equal rights with the Indians. . ." "All of our boys," said 
he, "are in the army and I feel they should be remembered . . ." [ibid,, 
General Files, Creek, 1860-1869, D 362]. 

*^<^ Article IV. Both the Creeks and the Seminoles, in apprising the 
Indian Oflfice of the fact that they had organized as a nation, had voiced 
the idea that the southern Indians had forfeited all their rights "to any 
part of the property or annuities. . .* 

**^The Sacs and Foxes brought forward a claim against the southern 
refugees, for the "rent of 204. buildings," amounting to $14,688.00 [Indian 
Office Land Files, Southern Superintendency, 1855-1870,' Letter of May 14, 
1864. See also Dole to Usher, March 25, 1865, ibid,, also 1 952, Cx264y 
and CX298, ibid,^. Coffin thought! the best way to settle their claim was 
to give them a part of the Creek cession [Coffin to Martin, May 23, 1864, 
and Martin to Dole, May 26, 1864, ibid,, General Files, Sac and Fox, 1862- 
z866, M284]. '^^ Ssc and Fox chiefs were willing to submit the case to 
the arbitrament of Judge James Steele. Martin was of the opinion that should 
their treaty, then pending, fail it would be some time before they would 
consent to make another. This treaty had been obtained with difficulty, 
only by Dole's "extraordinary exertions with the tribe^ [Martin to Dole, 
May 2, 1864, ibid., M 270]. 

®*' Negotiations with the Shawnees had been undertaken in 1862. In 
June, Black Bob, the chief of the Shawnees on the Big Blue Reserve in 
Johnson County, Kansas, protested against a treaty then before Congress. 
He claimed it was a fraud [Telegram, A. H. Baldwin to Dole, June 4, 



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236 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

and the New York Indians. He attempted one with 
the Kaws but failed/" The Osages, who had recent- 

z862, ibid., Shawme, 1855-1862, B1340 of 1862], which was the red man's 
usual appraisement of the white man's dealings. A rough draft of another 
treaty seems to have been sent tx> Agent Abbott for the Shawnees on July 
x8 and another, substantially the same, December 29. One of the matters 
that called for adjustment was the Shawnee contract with the Methodist 
Bpiscopal Church South, Dole affirming that "as the principal members 
of that corporation, and those who control it are now in rebellion against 
the U. S. Government, the said contract is to be regarded as terminated. • ." 
[Indian Office Land Files, Shavmte^ 1860-1865, 1 865]. Usher's letter to 
Dole of December 27, 1862 was the basis of the instruction. Dole's nego- 
tiations of Z863 were impeached as were all the previous, Blade Bob and 
Paschal Fish, the first and second chiefs of the Chillicodie Band of 
Shawnees, leading die opposition. Agent Abbott was charged with using 
questionable means for obtaining Indian approval [ibid,, General Files, 
Shawme, Z863-1875]. Conditions at the Shawnee Agency had been in a 
bad state for a long time, since before the war. Guerrilla attacks and 
threatened attacks had greatly disturbed domestic politics. Thqr had in- 
terfered with the regular tribal elections. 

"Last fall [1862], owing to the constant disturbance on the border of 
Mo., the election was postponed from time to time, until the Z2th of 
January. Olathe had been sacked, Shawnee had been burned, and the 
members of the Black Bob settlement had been robbed and driven from 
their homes, and it had not been considered safe for any considerable 
number to congregate togpether from the fact that the Shawnees usually all 
come on horseback, and the bushwhackers having ample means to know 
what was going on, would take the opportunity to make a dash among them, 
and secure their horses. 

''De Soto was designated as the place to hold the election it being 
some twenty miles from the border. . ."-Abbott to Dole, April 6, 1863, 
ibid., Land Files, Shawnee, 1860-1865, A 158. In the summer, the Shawnees 
made preparations for seeking a new home. Their confidence in Abbott 
must have been by that time somewhat restored, since the prospecting dele- 
gation invited him to join it libid., Shawnee A 755 of 1864]. A chief 
source of grievance against him and cause for distrust of him had refer- 
ence to certain depredation claims of the Shawnees [ibid,, General Files, 
Shawnee, 1855-1862, I 801]. 

**>The Kaw lands bad been greatly depredated upon and encroached 
upon [ibid,f Land Files, Kansas^ 1862]. Dole anticipated that troubles were 
likely to ensue at any moment He, therefore, desired to put the Kaws upon 
the Cherokee land just as soon as it was out of danger [Dole to H. W. 
Farnsworth, October 24, 1863, ibid,, Letter Book, no. 72, p. 57]. Jeremiah 
Hadley, the agent for a contemplated Mission School among the Kaws, was 
much exercised as to how a removal might affect his contract and work. 
See his letter to Dole, November 17, 1863. 

An abortive treaty was likewise made with the Wyandots, whom Dole 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 237 

ly**^ so generously consented to receive the unwelcome 

designed to place upon the Seneca-Shawnee lands. Both the Wyandots and 
the Seneca-Shawnees objected to the ratification of the treaty [Coffin to Dole, 
January 28, 1864, Indian Office Consolidated Files, Neosho, C 639 of 1864]. 
•84Xhey had recently done another thing that, at the time of occurrence, 
the Federals in Kansas deemed highly commendable. They had murderous- 
ly attacked a group of Confederate recruiting officers, whom they had over- 
taken or waylaid on the plains. The following contemporary documents, 
when taken in connection with Britton's account ICivil War on the Border, 
vol. ii, aaS], W. U Bartles's address [Kansas Historical Society, Collections, 
vol. viii, 6a-66], and Elder's letter to Blunt, May 17, 1863, Official Records, 
vol. xxii, part ii, 386, amply describe the affair: 

(a) ''I have just returned to this place from the Grand Council of the 
Great and Little Osage Indians. I found them feeling decidedly fine over 
dieir recent success in destroying a band of nineteen rebels attempting to pass 
through their country. A band of the Little Osages met them first and de- 
manded their arms and that they should go with them to Humboldt (as we 
instructed them to do at the Council at Behnont). The rebels refused and shot 
one of the Osagpes dead. The Osages then fired on them. They ran and a 
running fight was kept up for some 15 miles. The rebel guide was killed 
early in the action. After crossing Lightning Creek, the rebels turned up 
the creek toward the camp of the Big Hill Camp. The Little Osages had 
sent a runner to aprise the Big Hills of the presence of the rebels and they 
were coming down the creek 400 strong, and met the rebels, drove them to 
the creek and surrounded them. The rebels displayed a white flag but the 
Indians disregarded it They killed all of them as they supposed ; but after- 
wards learned that two of them, badly wounded, got down a steep bank of 
the creek and made their escape down the creek. They scalped them all 
and cut their heads off. They killed 4 of their horses (which the Indians 
greatly regretted) and captured 13, about 50 revolvers, most of the rebels 
having 4 revolvers, a carbine and saber. There were 3 colonels, one lieu- 
tenant-colonel, one major and 4 captains. They had full authority to or- 
ganise enroll and mustier into rebel service all the rebels in Colorado and 
New Mexico where they were doubtless bound. Major Dowdney [Doudna] 
in command of troops at Humboldt went down with a detachment and 
buried them and secured the papers, letting the Indians keep all the horses, 
arms, etc. I have no doubt that this will afford more protection to the 
frontiers of Kansas than anything that has yet been done and from the 
frequenqr and boldness of the raids recently something of the kind was very 
much needed. The Indians are very much elated over it I gave them all 
the encouragement I could, distributed between two and three hundred dol- 
lars worth of goods amongst them. There was a representative at the 
Council from the Osages that have gone South, many of them now in the 
army. He stated that they were all now very anxious to get back, and 
wished to know if they should meet the loyal Osages on the hunt on 
the Plains and come in with them if they could be suffered to stay. I 
gave him a letter to them promising them if they returned immediately and 



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238 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

refugees on the Ottawa Reserve,*'* were distinctly over- 
reached by the government representatives, working in 
the interest of corporate wealth. . In August, the chief 
men of the Osages had gone up to the Sac and Fox 
Agency to confer with Dole,*** but Dole was being un- 
joined their loyal brethren in protecting the frontiers, running down Bush- 
whackers, and ridding the counCiy of rebels, they should be protected. I 
advised them to come immediately to Humboldt and report to Major Dowd* 
ney and he would furnish them powder and lead to go on the hunt This 
seemed to give great satisfaction to all the chiefs as thqr are exceedingly 
desirous to have them back and the representative started immediately back 
with the letter, and die Indians as well as the Fathers of the Mission have 
no doubt but they will return. If so, it will very materially weaken the 
rebel force* now sorely pressing Col. Phillips' command at Fort Gibson. 

'The Osages are now very desirous to make a treatjr are willing to sell 
25 miles in width by 50 off the east end of their reservation and ao miles 
wide off the north side, but I will write more fully of this in a day or two." - 
Coffin to Dole, June 10^ 1863, Indian Offioe Consolidated Files, Neosho^ 
C299 of 1863. 

(b) "It will be remembered that sometime in the month of May last a 
party consisting of nineteen rebel officers duly commissioned and authorised 
to organise the Indians and what rebels they might find in Colorado and 
New Mexico against die Government of the United States while passing 
through the country of the Great and Little Osages were attacked and the 
whole party slaughtered by these Indians. As an encouragement to those 
Indians to continue their friendship and loyalty to our Government, I would 
respectfully recommend that medals be given to the Head Chief of the com- 
bined tribes, White Hair, and the Head Chief of the Little Bear and the 
chiefs of the Big Hill bands, Clarimore and Beaver, four in all who were 
chiefly instrumental in the destruction of those emissaries. 

"I believe the bestowal of the medals would be a well deserved acknowl- 
edgment to those chiefs for an important service rendered and promotive 
of good." -Coffin to Dole, Indian Office Consolidated Files, Neosho^ C 596. 

*M Coffin to Dole, July 13, 1863, ihid,^ General Files, Southern Superin- 
tendency, 1863-1864. Coffin had been directed, by an office letter of June 
24 to have the refugees removed. See also. Dole to Hutchinson, June 24, 
Z863, ibid,, Letter Book, no. 71, p. 69. Other primary sources bearing upon 
this matter are, Hutchinson to ?, June iz, 1863, ibid,, Ottawa, 1863-1873, 
H 230; Elder to Dole, August 10^ 1863, Neosho, E 22 of 1863; Hutchinson 
to Dole, August 21, 1863, Ottawa, D 236 of 1863; Mix to Elder, September 
zz, Z863, ibid,, Letter Book, no. 7Z, p. 383. 

*** "About 100 of the Osages with their Chiefs and headmen visited the 
Sac and Fox agency to meet me on the 20th to Council and probably make 
a treaty to dispose of a part of their reserve. I was detained with the Dela- 
wares and Quantrels raid upon Lawrence and did not reach Che reserve 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 239 

avoidably detained by the Delawares and by Quantriirs 
raid upon Lawrence,**^ so, becoming impatient, they 
left. The commissioner followed them to Leroy and 
before the month was out, he was able to report a treaty 
as made.*** It was apparently done over-night and yet 

umill the 35th and found the Osages had left that day for their homes. I 
followed them to this place [Leroy] 40 miles south of the Sac and Fox 
agency and have been in Council with them for two days. I have some 
doubt about succeeding in a treatjr as the Indians do not understand parting 
with their lands in trust I could purchase all we want at present for not 
exceeding 25 cts pr acre but doubt whether the Senate would ratify such a 
purchase -as they have adopted the Homestead policy with the Gov^ lands 
and would not wish to purchase of the Indians to give to the whites. I 
propose to purchase 35 miles by 40 in the S. £. comer of their reserve @ 5 
pr. ct making a dividend of xo^ooo annually. I have two reasons for this 
purchase, xst I want the land for other Kansas tribes and 2nd The Indians 
are paupers now and must have this much money any way or starve. Then 
I propose to take in trust the north half of their reserve - to be sold for their 
benefit as the Sac and Fox and other tribes dispose of their lands. To this 
last the Indians object they want to sell outright and I may fail in conse- 
quence. We shall not differ much about the details -if we can agree on the 
main points -I shall know to-day- 

"Prom here I return to the Sac and Fox agency where I have some hopes 
of making a treaty with them or at least agree upon the main points so soon 
as they can be provided with another home -The fact that we have failed 
to drive the traitors out of the Indian Country interfers very much with my 
operations here -from the Sac and Fox Reserve I may go to the Pottawata- 
mies but rather expect that I will return to Leavenworth where I shall again 
council with the Delawares and from there go to the Kitkapoos - Senator 
Pomeroy is here with me and will probably remain with me - Judge Johnston 
is also with me and assisting me as Clerk since Mr. Whiting left This is 
not considered as a very safe country as Bush Whackers are plenty and 
bold -You may show this to Sec Usher-" — Indian Office Consolidated Files, 
Neosho, D 195 .of 1863. « 

••T Connelley, Quantrill and the Border Wan, 335*4^0^ 
*M"I arrived here last night from Leroy, after having succeeded in 
effecting a treaty with the Osage Indians by which the Govt obtain of 
them by purchase thirty miles in extent off the Bast end of their reserve (at 
a cost of 300,000$ to remain on interest forever at 5 pr cf- which gives 
them an annuity of 15000$ annually) -They also cede to the U.S. in trust 
twenty miles off the North side of the Bal. of their reserve the full extent 
east and west -to be disposed of as the Sec Int shall direct for their bene- 
fit -with the usual reserves to half l»'eeds- provision for schools etc -I 
have been all this afternoon in Council with the Delewares who have to the 
No. of 30 or 40 followed me out here for the purpose of again talking over 



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240 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

it was not a conclusive thing; for, in October, the 
Osage chiefs were still making propositions*" and mak- 

the proposed treaty with them. They had trouble after I left them at Leav- 
enworth, but our council today has done good and they have just left for 
home with the agreement to call a council and send a delegation to the 
Cherokees to look up a new home -When will Jno. Ross leave for his 
people. I wish he could be there when the Delaware delegation goes 
down - as I am exceedingly anxious that they get a home of the Cherokees. 

'1 think there is but little doubt but I shall make a treaty with the Sac 
and Foxes as they say they are satisfied to remove to a part of the Land I 
have purchased of the Osages-on the line next the Cherokees -I can make 
a treaty with the Creeks and may do so but I think I will make it condi" 
Uonal upon the signatures of some of the Chiefs now in the army -Those 
here are very anxious to treat and sell us a large tract of the country/ The 
trouble with the Southern Indians is their claims for losses by the war I will 
have to put in a clause of some kind to satisfy them on that subject- That 
they are entitled to it I have no doubt -but what view Congress will take 
of it -or the Senate in ratifying the treaty of course I cannot tell -Some 
of the Wyandots are here- 

"I have just closed a Council widi the Sac and Foxes and have heard 
many fine speeches. We meet again day after tomorrow -as tomorrow 
must be appropriated to the Creeks -I think I shall have a success here- 
The Sack and Foxes to the No of say two hundred have a dance out on the 
green They are dressed and painted for the occasion and as it is in honor 
of my visit I must go out and witness it * * * Well we have had an 
extensive dance which cost me a beef and while waiting for a Chipaway 
Chief who comes as I learn to complain of his agent I go on with my Let- 
ter -The New York Indians are tolerably well represented and I shall talk 
with them tonight -This is a grand jubilee amongst the Indians here. So 
many tribes and parts of tribes or their Chiefs gathered here to see the 
Comr. Paint and feathers are in great demand and singing, whooping - 
and the Drum is constantly ringing in my ears. I am satisfied that it is a 
good arrangement to have them here together it is cheaper and better and 
saves much time 

"I made a great mistake that I did not bring maps of the reserves and 
especially of the Indian Territory -I do the best I can from the Treaties. 

'1 have had no mail for Eight Days as my mail is at Leavenworth. I 
expect my letters day after tomorrow when I hope to have a Jate letter 
from you as well as one from the Sec -Will you please send Hutchinson 
some money he must have funds to pay for surveying and alloting the Ottawa 
reserve The survey is finished and pay demanded." 
[Indian Office Consolidated Files, Neosho, D 198 of 1863]. 

***The propositions were in the form of a memorandum, drawn up by 
White Hair, principal chief of the Great and Little Osages, and Little Bear, 
principal chief of the Little Osages, who, in conjunction with Charles Mo- 
grain, assistant head chief of the Great and Litftle Osages, had been so- 



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Negotiations with Union Indians 241 

ing them after the fashion of the Creeks long before 
at Indian Springs.**^ Dole had finally to be told that 
the rank and file of the Osages would not allow their 
chiefs to confer with him except in general council.*" 
As a matter of fact, not one of the Dole treaties could 
run the gauntlet of criticism and, consequently, the 
whole project of treaty-making in 1862 and 1863 ac- 
complished nothing beneficial. It only served to coni- 
plicate a situation already serious and to forecast that 
when the great test should come, as come it surely 
would, the government would be found wanting, lack- 
ing in magnanimity, lacking in justice, and all too will- 
ing to sacrifice its honor for big interests and transient 
causes. 



licited by their people, vrhtn in council at Humboldt, July 4, to proceed to 
Washington and interview their Great Father [Coffin to Dole, July z6, 1863, 
Indian Office Consolidated Files, Niosho, C365 of 1863]. The propositions 
were to the effect that the Osages would gladly sell thirty miles by twenty 
miles off the southeast corner of their Reserve and one-half of the Reserve 
on the north for $1,350,000^ which should draw six per cent interest until 
paid {ibid-t D239 of 1863]. John Schoenmaker of the Osage Mission was 
apprehensive that the Roman Catholic interests would be disregarded as in 
the Potawatomi Treaty. See letter to Coffin, June 25th. 

•••Abel, Indian Consolidation West of the Mississippi 

••^Charles Mograin warned Dole of this. 



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XI. INDIAN TERRITORY IN 1 863, JANUARY 
TO JUNE INCLUSIVE 

As with the war as a whole, so with that part of it 
waged on the Arkansas frontier, the year 1863 proved 
critical. Its midsummer season saw the turning-point 
in the respective fortunes of the North and the South, 
both in the east and in the west The beginning of 
1863 was a time for recording great depletion of re- 
sources in Indian Territory, as elsewhere, great disor- 
ganization within Southern Indian ranks, and much 
privation, suffering, and resultant dissatisfaction among 
the tribes generally. The moment called for more or 
less sweeping changes in western commands. Those 
most nearly affecting the Arkansas frontier were the 
establishment of Indian Territory as a separate mili- 
tary entity ••* and the detachment of western Louisiana 

**'The establishment of a separate command for Indian Territory was 
not accomplished all at once. In December, 1862, Steele had been ordered 
to report to Holmes for duty and, in the first week of January, he was gjven 
the Indian Territory post, subject to Hindman. On or about the eighth, he 
assumed command [OfficUl Records^ vol. xxii, part i, 28] at Fort Smith. In 
less than a week thereafter, his command was separated from that of Hind- 
man \ihid.^ part ii, 771]. The following document shows exactly what had 
been the previous relation between the two: 

HiAD QM Dep» Indw Tbrrt 
Ft Smith, Jan^ 31st, 1863. 
Colonel: Your special No. 22, par. viii has been reed. I would 
respectfully suggest that when assigned to this command by Maj. Geni 
Hindman the command was styled in orders, "ist Div'' ist Corps 
Trans. Miss. Army.^ The special order referred to, it is respect- 
fully suggested, may be susceptible of misconstruction as there are 
under my command two separate Brigades, one under the command 



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244 ^^*^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

and Texas from the Trans-Mississippi Department.*** 
Both were accomplished in January and both were 
directly due to a somewhat tardy realization of the vast 
strategic importance of the Indian country. Unwieldy, 
geographically, the Trans-Mississippi Department 
had long since shown itself to be. Moreover, it was 
no longer even passably safe to leave the interests of 
Indian Territory subordinated to those of Arkansas.*** 
The man chosen, after others, his seniors in rank, 
had declined the dubious honor,*** for the command of 
Indian Territory was William Steele, brigadier-gen- 
eral, northern born, of southern sympathies. Thus 
was ignored whatever claim Douglas H. Cooper might 
have been thought to have by reason of his intimate 
and long acquaintance with Indian affairs and his 
influence, surpassingly great, with certain of the tribes. 
Cooper's unfortunate weakness, addiction to intemper- 
ance, had stood more or less in the way of his promo- 
tion right along just as it had decreased his military 
efficiency on at least one memorable occasion and had 
hindered the confirmation of his appointment as super- 
intendent of Indian aflfairs in the Arkansas and Red 
River constituency. In this narrative, as events are 
divulged, it will be seen that the preference for Steele 
exasperated Cooper, who was not a big enough man to 
put love of country before the gratification of his own 

of Geni D. H. Cooper and one under command of Col. J. W. Speight 
I am. Col., Very Re«i>y W. Stbblb, Brig, GenK 

Col. S. S. Anderson, A^.G. 

P.S. Please find enclosed printed Gen. Order, no. 4, which I have 

assumed the responsibility of issuing on receipt of Lt Gen^ Holmes' 

order declaring my command in the Ind° country independent. 

(Sd) W. Steele, Brig, GenK 
[A.G.O., Confederate Records, chap, a, no. 270, p. 65]. 

••* Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 771-772. 

^9* --Ibid,, 771. 

696 — Ibid,, 843; Confederate Records, chap, a, no. 270, pp. 25-27. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 247 

ambition, consequently friction developed between him 
and his rival highly detrimental to the service to which 
each owed his best thought, his best endeavor.*"* 

Conditions in Indian Territory, at the time Steele 
took command, were conceivably the worst that could 
by any possibility be imagined. The land had been 
stripped of its supplies, the troops were scarcely worthy 
of the name.**^ Around Fort Smith, in Arkansas, 
things were equally bad.*" People were clamoring 
for protection against marauders, some were wanting 
only the opportunity to move themselves and their 
effects far away out of the reach of danger, others were 
demanding that the unionists be cleaned out just as 
secessionists had, in some cases, been. Confusion worse 
confounded prevailed. Hindman had resorted to a 
system of almost wholesale furloughing to save ex- 
pense.*" Most of the Indians had taken advantage of 
it and were off duty when Steele arrived. Many had 
preferred to subsist at government cost.'** There was 
so little in their own homes for them to get. Forage 
was practically non-existent and Steele soon had it im- 
pressed^** upon him that troops in the Indian Terri- 
tory ought, as Hindman had come to think months be- 
fore,^*' to be all unmounted. 

Although fully realizing that it was incumbent upon 
him to hold Fort Smith as a sort of key to his entire 
command, Steele knew it would be impossible to main- 

*^It might as yftW be said, at the outaet) that Cooper was not the 
ranking officer of Steele. He claimed that he was [Official Records^ vol. 
xxii, part ii, 1037-1038] ; but the government disallowed the contention [ibid^ 
1038]. 

69T — Ibid,t part i, 28; part ii, 862, 883, 909. 

^^^ Confederate Records^ chap. 2, no. 270, pp. 29-3a 

^** Official Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, 895, 909. 

100 ^Itid, part i, 3a 

^^^ Confederate Records, chap. 2, no. 270, p. 31. 

^®' Official Records, vol. xiii, 51. 



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248 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

tain any considerable force there. He, therefore, re- 
solved to take big chances and to attempt to hold it 
with as few men as his commissary justified, trusting 
that he would be shielded from attack "by the inclem- 
ency of the season and the waters of the Arkansas."^®' 
The larger portion of his army^*^ was sent southward, 
in the direction of Red River/®' But lack of food and 
forage was, by no manner of means, the only difficulty 
that confronted Steele. He was short of guns, par- 
ticularly of good guns,^' and distressingly short of 
money.^®^ The soldiers had not been paid for months. 
The opening of 1863 saw changes, equally momen- 
tous, in Federal commands. Somewhat captiously. Gen- 
eral Schofield discounted recent achievements of Blunt 
and advised that Blunt's District of Kansas should be 
completely disassociated from the Division of the Army 
of the Frontier,^®' which he had, at Schofield's own 
earlier request, been commanding. It was another in- 
stance of personal jealousy, interstate rivalry, and local 

''^^ official Records^ vol. xxii, part i, 30. 

^^'^ Perhaps the word, army^ is inapplicable here. Steele himself was in 
doubt as to whether he was in command of an army or of a department 
[Confedirate Records^ chap, a, no. a/o^ p. 54]. 

^0' Confederati Records^ chap, a, no. ayo, p. 36. See also, Steele to An- 
derson, January aa, 1863 [ibid,, 50-51], which besides detailing the move- 
ments of Steele's men furnishes, on the authority of "Mr. Thomas J. Parks 
of the Cherokee Nation," evidence of brutal murders and atrocities committed 
by Blunt's army "whilst on their march through the northwestern portion of 
this State in the direction of Kansas." 

TO6 Crosby's telegram, February first, to the Chief of Ordnance is sufficient 
attestation, 

"Many of Cooper's men have inferior guns and many none at all. Can 
you supply?" {Ibid,^ 65-66]. 

70^ The detention and the misapplication of funds by William Quesenbury 
seem to have been largely responsible for Steele's monetary embarrassment 
[ibid,^ a8, 63-64, 75, 76, 77, 79-81, loi, 147]. Cotton speculation in Texas was 
alluring men with ready money southward {ibid,^ 94, Z04]. 

^•* Official Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, 6. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 249 

conflict of interests/®* So petty was Schofield and so 
much in a mood for disparagement that he went the 
length of condemning the work of Blunt and Herron ^" 
in checking Hindman's advance as but a series of blun- 
ders and their success at Prairie Grove as but due to an 
accident/" General Curtis, without, perhaps, having 
any particular regard for the aggrieved parties himself, 
resented Schofield's insinuations against their military 
capacity, all the more so, no doubt, because he was not 
above making the same kind of criticisms himself and 
was not impervious to them. In the sequel, Schofield 
reorganized the divisions of his command, relieved 
Blunt altogether, and personally resumed the direction 
of the Army of the Frontier/" Blunt went back to his 
District of Kansas and made his headquarters at Fort 
Leavenworth. 

In some respects, the reorganization decided upon by 
Schofield proved a consummation devoutly to be 
wished; for, within the reconstituted First Division 
was placed an Indian Brigade, which was consigned 
to the charge of a man the best fitted of all around to 
have it, Colonel William A. Phillips.'" And that 
was not all; inasmuch as the Indian Brigade, consist- 
ing of the three regiments of Indian Home Guards, a 
battalion of the Sixth Kansas Cavalry, and a four-gun 
battery that had been captured at the Battle of Old 

''^^ It seems unnecessary and inappropriate to drag into the present nar- 
rative the political squabbles that disgraced Missouri, Kansas, Arkansas, and 
Colorado during the war. Lane was against Schofield, Gamble against 
Curtis. 

TioYet both Blunt and Herron were, at this very time, in line for pro- 
motion, as was Schofield, to the rank of major-general [Official Records^ vol 
xxii, part ii, ii, 9$]. 

Til — Ihid,^ 6, 12, 95.; Confiderati Military History ^ vol. z, 195. 

Tit — /5,-^^ aa. 

^i« Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. ii, 18-19. 



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250 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Fort Wayne/" was almost immediately detached from 
the rest of Schofield's First Division and assigned to 
discretionary "service in the Indian Nation and on the 
western border of Arkansas.""' It continued so de- 
tached even after Schofield's command had been de- 
prived by Curtis of the two districts over which the 
brigade was to range, the eighth and the ninth/" Thus» 
at the beginning of 1863, had the Indian Territory in 
a sense come into its own. Both the Confederates and 
the Federals had given it a certain measure of military 
autonomy or, at all events, a certain opportunity to be 
considered in and for itsejf. 

Indian Territory as a separate military entity came 
altogether too late into the reckonings of the North 
and the South. It was now a devastated land, in large 
areas, desolate. General Curtis and many another like 
him might well express regret that the red man had to 
be offered up in the white man's slaughter."^ It was 
unavailing regret and would ever be. Just as with the 
aborigines who lay athwart the path of empire and had 
to yield or be crushed so with the civilized Indian of 
i860. The contending forces of a fratricidal war had 
little mercy for each other and none at all for him. 
Words of sympathy were empty indeed. His fate was 
inevitable. He was between the upper and the nether 
mill-stones and, for him, there was no escape. 

Indian Territory was really in a terrible condition. 
Late in 1862, it had been advertised even by southern 
men as lost to the Confederate cause and had been prac- 

7^^ It it Dot very clear whether or not the consdtuentt of the Indian 
Brigade were all at once decided upon. They are here listed at they appear 
in Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. ii, 3. Schofield teems to have hesi- 
tated in the matter [Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 26]. 

11^^ Ibid,, 33. 

7^* On the subject of the reduction of Schofield's command, see ibid,, 40. 

^^^ Curtis to Phillips, February 17, 1863, ibid., 113-114. 



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Indian Territory in 1 86 3 251 

tically abandoned to the jayhawker. Scouting parties 
of both armies, as well as guerrillas, had preyed upon 
it like vultures. Indians, outside of the ranks, were 
tragic figures in their utter helplessness. They dared 
trust nobody. It was time the Home Guard was being 
made to justify its name. Indeed, as Ellithorpe re- 
ported, "to divert them to any other operations" than 
those within their own gates "will tend to demoralize 
them to dissolution.""" 

The winter of 1 862-1 863 was a severe one. Its com- 
ing had been long deferred; but, by the middle of 
January, the cold weather had set in in real earnest. 
Sleet and snow and a constantly descending thermom- 
eter made campaigning quite out of the question. Colo- 
nel Phillips, no more than did his adversary. General 
Steele, gave any thought to an immediate offensive. 
Like Steele his one idea was to replenish resources and 
to secure an outfit for his men. They had been pro- 
vided with the half worn-out baggage train of Blunt's 
old division. It was their all and would be so until 
their commander could supplement it by contrivances 
and careful management. Incidentally, Phillips ex- 
pected to hold the line of the Arkansas River; but not 
to attempt to cross it until spring should come. It be- 
hooved him to look out for Marmaduke whose expedi- 
tions into Missouri "• were cause for anxiety, especially 
as their range might at any moment be extended. 

The Indian regiments of Phillips's brigade were soon 
reported '*• upon by him and declared to be in a sad 
state. The first regiment was still, to all intents and 
purposes, a Creek force, notwithstanding that its for- 
tunes had been varied, its desertions, incomparable. 

^^* Official Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, 49. 

'»• Confiderati MiUtary Hutory, vol. x, 161, 162. 

Y*<> Oficial Records, vol. zxii, part ii, s^i^* 



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252 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

The second regiment, after many vicissitudes, and after 
having gotten rid of its unmanageable elements, nota- 
bly, the Osages and the Quapaws, had become a Cher- 
okee and the third was largely so. That third regiment 
was Phillips's own and was the only one that could claim 
the distinction of being disciplined and even it was ex- 
posed occasionally to the chronic weakness of all In- 
dian soldiers, absence without leave. The Indian, on 
his own business bent, was disposed to depart whenever 
he pleased, often, too, at times most inopportune, some- 
times, when he had been given a special and particular 
task. He knew not the usages of army life and really 
meant no offence; but, all the same, his utter disregard 
of army discipline made for great disorder. 

It was not the chief cause of disorder, however, for 
that was the unreliability of the regimental officers. 
The custom, from the first, had been to have the field 
officers white men, a saving grace; but the company 
officers, with few exceptions, had been Indians and 
totally incompetent. Strange as it may seem, drilling 
was almost an unknown experience to the two regi- 
ments that had been mustered in for the First Indian 
Expedition. To obviate some of the difficulties already 
encountered, Phillips had seen to it that the third regi- 
ment had profited by the mistakes of its forerunners. 
It had, therefore, been supplied with white first lieu- 
tenants and white sergeants, secured from among the 
non-commissioned men of other commands. The re- 
sult had fully justified the innovation. After long and 
careful observation, Phillips's conclusion was that it 
was likely to be productive of irretrievable disaster and 
consequently an unpardonable error of judgment "to 
put men of poor ability in an Indian regiment." Prim- 
itive man has an inordinate respect for a strong char- 



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Indian Territory in l86j 253 

acter. He appreciates integrity, though he may not 
have it among his own gifts of nature. "An Indian 
company improperly officered" will inevitably become, 
to somebody's discomfiture, "a frightful mess." 

If any one there was so foolish as to surmise that the 
independent commands, northern and southern, would 
be given free scope to solve the problems of Indian 
Territory, unhampered by contingent circumstances, 
he was foreordained to grevious disappointment. In- 
dian Territory had still to subserve the interests of 
localities, relatively more important It would be so 
to the very end. In and for herself, she would never 
be allowed to do anything and her commanders, no 
matter how much they might wish it otherwise -and 
to their lasting honor, be it said, many of them did- 
would always have to subordinate her affairs to those 
of the sovereign states around her; for even narth- 
ern states were sovereign in practice where Indians 
were concerned. General Steele was one of the men 
who endeavored nobly to take a large view of his re- 
sponsibilities to Indian Territory. Colonel Phillips, 
his contemporary in the opposite camp, was another; 
but both met with insuperable obstacles. The attain- 
ment of their objects was impossible from the start. 
Both men were predestined to failure. 

Foraging or an occasional scouting when the weath- 
er permitted was the only order of the winter days for 
Federals and Confederates. With the advent of spring, 
however, Phillips became impatient for more aggres- 
sive action. He had been given a large programme, 
no insignificant part of which was, the restoration of 
refugees to their impoverished homes; but his first bus- 
iness would necessarily have to be, the occupancy of 
the country. Not far was he allowed to venture within 



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254 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

it during the winter; because his superior officers 
wished him to protect, before anything else, western 
Arkansas. Schofield and, after Schofield's withdrawal 
from the command of southwestern Missouri, Curtis 
had insisted upon that, while Blunt, to whom Phillips, 
after a time, was made innmiediately accountable, was 
guardedly of another way of thinking and, although not 
very explicit, seemed to encourage Phillips in planning 
an advance. 

Phillips's inability to progress far in the matter of 
occupancy of Indian Territory did not preclude his 
keeping a close tab on Indian affairs therein, such a tab, 
in fact, as amounted to fomenting an intrigue. It will 
be recalled that on the occasion of his making the ex- 
cursion into the Cherokee Nation, which had resulted 
in his incendiary destruction of Fort Davis, he had 
gained intimations of a rather wide-spread Indian will- 
ingness to desert the Confederate service. He had 
sounded Creeks and Choctaws and had found them sur- 
prisingly responsive to his machinations. They were 
nothing loath to confess that they were thoroughly dis- 
gusted with the southern alliance. It had netted them 
nothing but unutterable woe. Among those that Phil- 
lips approached, although not personally, was Colonel 
Mcintosh, who communicated with Phillips through 
two intimate friends. Mcintosh was persuaded to at- 
tempt no immediate demonstration in favor of the 
North; for that would be premature, foolhardy; but to 
bide the time, which could not be far distant, when the 
Federal troops would be in a position to support him.^" 
The psychological moment was not yet. Blunt called 
Phillips back for operations outside of Indian Terri- 

^'^ Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 61-62. 



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Indian Territory in l86j 255 

tory; but the seed of treason had been sown and sown 
in fertile soil, in the heart of a Mcintosh/" 

In January, 1863, Phillips took up again the self-im- 
posed task of emissary/" The unionist Cherokees, in- 
clusive of those in the Indian Brigade, were contem- 
plating holding a national council on Cowskin Prairie, 
which was virtually within the Federal lines. Seces- 
sionist Cherokees, headed by Stand Watie, were deter- 
mined that such a council should not meet if they could 
possibly prevent it and prevent it they would if they 
could only get a footing north of the Arkansas River. 
Their suspicion was, that the council, if assembled, 
would declare the treaty with the Confederate States 
abrogated. To circumvent Stand Watie, to conciliate 
some of the Cherokees by making reparation for past 
outrages, and to sow discord among others, Phillips 
despatched Lieutenant-colonel Lewis Downing on a 
scout southward. He was just in time; for the Con- 
federates were on the brink of hazarding a crossing at 
two places, Webber's Falls and Fort Gibson."* Upon 
the return of Downing, Phillips himself moved across 
the border with the avowed intention of rendering mili- 
tary support, if needed, to the Cherokee Council, which 
convened on the fourth of February.^" From Camp 
Ross, he continued to send out scouting parties, secret 
agents,"' and agents of distribution. 

The Cherokee Council assembled without the pre- 
liminary formality of a new election. War conditions 

^^'Thit remark would be etpecially applicable if the Colonel Mcintosh, 
mentioned by Phillips, was Chilly, the son of William Mcintosh of Indian 
Springs Treaty notoriety. 

^'* Oficial Records, vol. zxii, part ii, loa 

li^^Ihid^ $5. 

Its — j^ij^ ,00^ ,08. 



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256 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

had made regular pollings impossible. Consequently, 
the council that convened in February, 1863 was, to all 
intents and purposes, the selfsame body that, in October, 
1 86 1, had confirmed the alliance with the Confederate 
States. It was Phillips's intention to stand by, with 
military arm upraised, until the earlier action had been 
rescinded. While he waited, word came that the har- 
vest of defection among the Creeks had begun; for "a 
long line of persons" ^" was toiling through the snow, 
each wearing the white badge on his hat that Phillips 
and Mcintosh had agreed should be their sign of fel- 
lowship. Then came an order for Phillips to draw 
back within supporting distance of Fayetteville, which, 
it was believed, the Confederates were again threaten- 
ing.^" Phillips obeyed, as perforce, he had to; but he 
left a detachment behind to continue guarding the 
Cherokee Council.'** 

The legislative work of the Cherokee Council, parti- 
san body that it was, with Lewis Downing as its presid- 
ing officer and Thomas Pegg as acting Principal Chief, 
was reactionary, yet epochal. It comprised several 
measures and three of transcendant importance, passed 
between the eighteenth and the twenty-first: 

1. An act revoking the alliance with the Confeder- 
ate States and re-asserting allegiance to the United 
States. 

2. An act deposing all officers of any rank or char- 
acter whatsoever, inclusive of legislative, executive, 
judicial, who were serving in capacities disloyal to the 
United States and to the Cherokee Nation. 

^*^ Oficial Records, vol. xxil, ptrt ii, loi. 
^*' — Ihid^ III-IX2. 
in^lbid^ 115. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 257 

3. An act emancipating slaves throughout the Cher- 
okee country."* 

His detention in Arkansas was not at all to Phillips's 
liking. It tried his patience sorely; for he felt the cry- 
ing need of Indian Territory for just such services as 
his and, try as he would, he could not visualize that of 
Arkansas. Eagerly he watched for a chance to return 
to the Cherokee country. One offered for the fifth of 
March but had to be given up. Again and yet again in 
letters"^ to Curtis and Blunt he expostulated against de- 
lay but delay could not well be avoided. The pressure 
from Arkansas for assistance was too great. Blunt sym- 
pathized with Phillips more than he dared openly ad- 
mit and tacitly sanctioned his advance. Never at any 
time could there have been the slightest doubt as to the 
singleness of the virile Scotchman's purpose. In imag- 
ination he saw his adopted country repossessed of In- 
dian Territory and of all the overland approaches to 
Texas and Mexico from whence, as he supposed, the 
Confederacy expected to draw her grain and other sup- 
plies. Some regard for the Indian himself he doubt- 
less had ; but he used it as a means to the greater end. 
His sense of justice was truly British in its keenness. 

7s<>Ro89 to Dole, April 2, 1863 [Indian Office General Files, Cherokee^ 
1859- 1 8 65, R 87] > Commissioner of Indian Affairs, lUport, 1863, p. 2$ ; Brit- 
ton, Civil War w the Bordn, vol. ii, 24-^5; Moore, RibiUion Record, vol. 
vi, 50; Eaton, John Ross and the Cherokee Indians, 196. 

7^1 Britton ICivil War on the Border, vol. ii, 27] conve3rs the idea that, 
while Phillips, truly enough, wished to enter the Indian country at the 
earliest day practicable, he did not care to go there before the Indian ponies 
could "live on the range." He knew that the refugees at Neosho would in- 
sist upon following in his wake. It would be heartless to expose them to 
starvation and to the ravages of diseases like the small-poK. Nevertheless, 
the correspondence of Phillips, scattered tfirough the final Records, vol. 
xxii, part ii, 121-367, shows conclusively that the weeks of waiting were 
weary ones. 



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258 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

His Indian soldiers loved him. They believed in him. 
He was able to accomplish wonders in training them. 
He looked after their welfare and he did his best to 
make the government and its agents of the Indian Office 
keep faith with the refugees. Quite strenuously, too, 
he advocated further enlistments from among the In- 
dians, especially from among those yet in Indian Ter- 
ritory. If the United States did not take care, the 
Confederates would successfully conscript where the 
Federals might easily recruit. In this matter as in 
many another, he had Blunt's unwavering support; for 
Blunt wanted the officers of the embryo fourth and fifth 
regiments to secure their commands. Blunt's military 
district was none too full of men. 

March was then as now the planting season in the 
Arkansas Valley and, as Phillips rightly argued, if the 
indigent Indians were not to be completely pauperized, 
they ought to be given an opportunity to be thrown once 
more upon their own resources, to be returned home in 
time to put in crops. When the high waters subsided 
and the rivers became fordable, he grew more insistent. 
There was grass in the valley of the Arkansas and soon 
the Confederates would be seizing the stock that it was 
supporting. He had held the line of the Arkansas by 
means of scouts all winter, but scouting would not be 
adequate much longer. The Confederates were begin- 
ning, in imitation of the Federals, to attach indigents 
to their cause by means of relief distribution and the 
"cropping season was wearing on." 

At the end of March, some rather unimportant 
changes were made by Curtis in the district limits of 
his department and coincidently Phillips moved over 
the border. The first of April his camp was at Park 
Hill. His great desire was to seize Fort Smith ; for he 



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Indian Territory in 1 86 J 259 

realized that not much recruiting could be done among 
the Choctaws while that post remained in Confederate 
hands. Blunt advised caution. It would not even do 
to attempt as yet any permanent occupation south of the 
Arkansas. Dashes at the enemy might be made, of 
course, but nothing more; for at any moment those 
higher up might order a retrograde movement and any- 
how no additional support could be counted upon. 
Halleck was still calling for men to go to Grant's as- 
sistance and accusing Curtis of keeping too many need- 
lessly in the West The Vicksburg campaign was on. 
The order that Blunt anticipated finally came and 
Curtis called for Phillips to return. La Rue Harrison, 
foraging in Arkansas/'* was whining for assistance. 
Phillips temporized, having no intention whatsoever 
of abandoning his appointed goal. His arguments 
were unanswerable but Curtis like Halleck could never 
be made to appreciate the plighted faith that lay back 
of Indian participation in the war and the strategic im- 
portance of Indian Territory. The northern Indian 
regiments, pleaded Phillips, were never intended for 
use in Arkansas. Why should they go there? It was 
doubtful if they could ever be induced to go there 
again. They had been recruited to recover the Indian 
Territory and now that they were within it they were 
going to stay until the object had been attained. Phil- 
lips solicited Blunt's backing and got it, to the extent^ 
indeed, that Blunt informed Curtis that if he wanted 
Indian Territory given up he must order it himself and 
take the consequences. It was not given up but Phil- 
lips suffered great embarrassments in holding it. The 
only support Blunt could render him was to send a 
negro regiment to Baxter Springs to protect supply 

▼s* Confedtrdte Military History, rol. z, 166-168. 



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26o The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

trains. Guerrillas and bushwhackers were everywhere 
and Phillips's command was half-starved. Smallpox ^"^ 
broke out and, as the men became more and more 
emaciated, gained ground. Phillips continued to make 
occasional dashes at the enemy and in a few engage- 
ments he was more than reasonably successful. Web- 
ber's Falls was a case in point. 

As May advanced, the political situation in Missouri 
seemed to call loudly for a change in department com- 
manders and President Lincoln, quite on his own initia- 
tive apparently, selected Schofield to succeed Curtis,^" 
Curtis having identified himself with a faction opposed 
to Governor Gamble. The selection was obnoxious to 
many and to none more than to Herron and to Blunt, 
whose military exploits Schofield had belittled. The 
former threatened resignation if Schofield were ap- 
pointed but the latter restrained himself and for a brief 
space all went well, Schofield even manifesting some 
sympathy for Phillips at Fort Gibson, or Fort Blunt, 
as the post, newly fortified, was now called. He de- 
clared that the Arkansas River must be secured its en- 
tire length; but the Vicksburg campaign was still de- 
manding men and Phillips had to struggle on, unaided. 
Indeed, he was finally told that if he could not hold on 
by himself he must fall back and let the Indian Terri- 
tory take care of itself until Vicksburg should have 
fallen. 

»»»Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. ii, 26. 

T**A change had been resolved upon in March, E. V. Sumner being the 
man chosen ; but he died on the way out [Livermore, Story of the Civil War, 
part iii, book i, 256]. Sumner had had a wide experience with frontier con- 
ditions, first, in the marches of the dragoons [Pelzer, Marches of the Dra- 
go&tu in the Mississippi Valley] later, in New Mexico [Abel, Official Cor- 
respondence of James S. Calhoun'], and, still later, in ante-bellum Kansas. 
His experience had been far from uniformly fortunate but he had learned a 
few very necessary lessons, lessons that Schofield had yet to con. 



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Indian Territory in 1 86 J 261 

The inevitable clash between Schofield and Blunt 
was not long deferred. It came over a trifling matter 
but was fraught with larger meanings/** It was prob- 
ably as much to get away from Schofield's near pres- 
ence as to see to things himself in Indian Territory that 
led Blunt to go down in person to Fort Gibson. He 
arrived there on the eleventh of July, taking Phillips 
entirely by surprise. Vicksburg had fallen about a 
week before. 

The difficulties besetting Colonel Phillips were more 
than matched by those besetting General Steele. He, 
too, struggled on unaided, nay, more, he was handi- 
capped at every turn. Scarcely had he taken command 
at Fort Smith when he was apprised of the fact that the 
chief armorer there had been ordered to remove all the 
tools to Arkadelphia.'" Steele was hard put to it to 
obtain any supplies at all.^*^ Many that he did get the 
promise of were diverted from their course,^" just as 
were General Pike's. This was true even in the case 
of shoes."* He tried to fit his regiments out one by one 
with the things the men required in readiness for a 
spring campaign '** but it was up-hill work. And what 
was perfectly incomprehensible to him was, that when 
his need was so great there was yet corn available for 
private parties to speculate in and to realize enormous 
profits on.^" In April, the Indian regiments, assem- 
bling and reforming in expectation of a call to action, 
made special demands upon his granaries but they were 

^'^June 9, orders issued redistricting Schofield's Deptrtment of Missouri 
IPficial Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, 315]. 

^>* Confederate Records, chap. 2, no. 270, p. 34. 
7S7 Steele to Blair, February to, 1863, ibid,, 87-88. 
7** Steele to Anderson, February 8, 1863, ibid,, 81-82. 
Tsspuval to Cabell, May 15, 1863, ibid,, 244-245. 
7^ Steele to Cabell, March 19, 1863, ibid,, 148. 
^^^ Steele to Anderson, March 22, 1863, ibid,, 158. 



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262 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

nearly empty/** It was not possible for him to furnish 
corn for seed or, finally, the necessaries of life to in- 
digent Indians. Indian affairs complicated his situa- 
tion tremendously/" He could get no funds and no 

7^* Steele to Anderson, April 3, 1863, Confederate Records^ i79-x8a 
^*> For instance the officers of the First Cherokee rei^ment had a serious 
dispute as to the ranking authority among them [ibid.^ Letter from Steele, 
March 14, 1863, p. 143]. The following letters indicate that there were 
other troubles and other tribes in trouble also: 

(a) "Your communication of 13 Inst is to hand. I am directed by the 
Conmianding Gen.* to express to you his warmest sympathy in behalf of your 
oppressed people, and his desire and determination to do all that may be in 
his power to correct existing evils and ameliorate the condition of the loyal 
Cherokees. The Gen> feels proud to know that a large portion of your 
people, actuated by a high spirit of patriotism, have shown themselves stead- 
fast and unyielding in their allegiance to our Government notwithstanding 
the bitter hardships and cruel ruthless outrages to which they have been 
subjected. 

"It is hoped that the time is not very far distant, when y' people may 
again proudly walk their own soil, exalted in the feeling, perhaps with the 
consciousness that our cruel and cowardly foe has been adequately punished 
and humiliated. 

"Your communication has been for^ to Lt Gen^ Holmes with the 
urgent request that immediate steps be taken to bring your people fully with- 
in the pale of civilized warfare. 

"It is hoped that there may be no delay in a matter so vitally important 

"We are looking daily for the arrival of Boats from below with corn, 
tis the wish of the Gen' that the necessitous Indians sh^ be supplied from 
this place. Boats w^ be sent farther up the river, were we otherwise 
circumstanced. As it is the Boats have necessarily to run the gauntlet of the 
enemy -The Gen> however hopes to be able to keep the River free to navi- 
gation until a sufficient supply of com to carry us through the winter can 
be accumulated at this place. 

"You will receive notice of the arrival of com so that it may be con- 
veyed to the Indians needing it" - Crosbt to Stand Watie, conmianding First 
Cherokee Regiment, February x6, 1863, ibid,^ pp. 91-93. 

(b) "I am directed by Gen^ Steele to say that a delegation from the Creeks 
have visited him since your departure and a full discussion has been had of 
such matters as they are interested in. 

"They brought with them a letter from the Principal Chief Moty Ken- 
nard asking that the Cattle taken from the refugee Creeks be turned over to 
the use of the loyal people of the nation. The Gen. Com^ has ordered a 
disposition of these Cattle to be made in accordance with the wishes of the 
chief. If necessary please give such instmctions as will attain this object. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 263 

instructions from Richmond so he dealt with the na- 
tives as best he could/" Small-pox became epidemic 

No Boats 3ret Will endeavor to tend one up the river should more than 
one arrive." - CaosBT to D. H. Cooper, February 19, 1863, ibid,^ p. 97. 

(c) "I enclose, herewith, a letter from the agent of the Seminoles. You will 
see from that letter the danger we are in from neglecting the wants of the In- 
dians. I have never had one cent of money pertaining to the Indian superin- 
tendency, nor have I received any copies of treaties, nor anything else that 
would give me an insight into the affairs of that Department I wrote, soon 
after my arrival at this place, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs but have 
received no reply. If you have any knowledge of the whereabouts of the 
superintendent who has been lately appointed I hope 3rou will urge upon him 
the necessity of coming at once and attending to these matters." - Stbblb to 
Anderson, April 6, 1863, ibid,^ i8a* 

(d) "I have today received a long letter from the Chief of the Osages, 
which I enclose for your perusal. Maj. Dom came in from Texas a few 
days since, and has, I understand, gone down to Little Rock on the steamer 
Tahlequah.' It is certainly represented that a portion of the funds in his 
hands is in specie. Please have the latter surely delivered. Please return 
Black Dog's letter unless you wish to forward it"-&rBBLB to Holmes, May 
16, 1863, ibid,^ 249* 

(e) Tetters, received today, indicate a great necessity for your presence 
with the tribe for whom you are Agent I wish you, therefore, to visit them, 
and relieve the discontent, as far as the means in 3rour hands will permit 
The Osage Chief, "Black Dog/ now acting as xst Chief, claims that certain 
money has been turned over to you for certain purposes, for which they have 
received nothing." - Steele to A. J. Dorn, May x6, 1863, f^tV., 249. 

T44 "Your letter of May 6th, with letter of Black Dog enclosed, has been 
received and the enclosure forwarded to Lieut Gen. Holmes for his in- 
formation. The General Corn's desires me to express his regrets that the 
affairs of the Osage and Seminole tribes should be in such a deplorable condi- 
tion, but he is almost powerless, at present, to remedy the evils you so justly 
complain of. He has written again and again to the Commissioner of In- 
dian Affairs at Richmond requesting instructions in the discharge of his 
dudes as ex-ofiicio Superintendent of Indian Affairs, but not a word has 
ever been received in reply to his reiterated requests, owing probably to 
the difficulty of communication between this point and the Capital. He has 
also requested that funds be sent him to liquidate the just demands of our 
Indian Allies, but from the same cause his requests have met with no re- 
sponse. You must readily appreciate the difficulties under which Gen. Steele 
necessarily labors. In fact his action is completely paralized by the want 
of instructions and funds. In connection with this he has been compelled to 
exert every faculty in defending the line of the Arkansas River against an 
enemy, vastly his superior in arms, numbers, artillery and everything that 
adds to the efficiency of an army, and consequently has not been able to pay 



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264 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

among his men/" as among Phillips's -and from like 
causes. 

Then General Steele had difficulty in getting his men 
and the right kind of men together. Lawless Arkan- 
sans were unduly desirous of joining the Indian regi- 
ments, thinking that discipline there would be lax 
enough to suit their requirements."* Miscellaneous 
conscripting by ex-officers of Arkansan troops gave 
much cause for annoyance "^ as did also Cooper's unau- 
thorized commissioning of officers to a regiment made 

that attention to the businesi of the tuperintendency that he would under 
other circumstances. 

"It was stated, some time ago, in the newspapers, that a superintendent 
had been appointed in Richmond, and the General Com^ has been anxiously 
expecting his arrival for several weeks. He earnestly hopes that the super- 
intendent may soon reach the field of his labors, provided with instructions, 
funds and everything necessary to the discharge of his important dudes. 

"Major Dom, the Agent for the Osages, was here, a few days ago, but 
he is now in Little Rock. The General has written to him, requiring him to 
come up immediately, visit the tribe for which he is the Agent and relieve 
their necessities as far as the means in his hands will permit 

'The General has been offically informed that Major D. has in his 
possession, for the use of the Osages twenty odd thousand dollars. 

"I have to apologize, on the part of Geni Steele, for the various letters 
which have been received from you, and which still remain unanswered, but 
his excuse must be that, in the absence of proper instructions etc. he was 
really unable to answer your questions or comply with your requests, and he 
cannot make promises that there is not, at least, a very strong probability 
of his being able to fulfil. Too much harm has already been occasioned in • 
the Indian Country by reckless promises, and he considers it better, in every 
point of view, to deal openly and frankly with the Indians than to hold out 
expectations that are certain not to be realized. 

"It is not possible, however, to say in a letter what could be so much 
better said in a personal interview, and the Gen* therefore, desires me to say 
that as soon as your duties will admit of your absence, he will be happy to 
see and converse with you fully and freely at his Head Quarters" [ibid,^ 
no. 268, pp. 27-29]. 

On this same subject, see also Steele to Wigfall, April 15, 1863, Official 
Rf cords, vol. xxii, part ii, 819-821. 

^^' Confidirate Records, chap. 2, no. 270, p. 22a 

7^ Steele to Anderson, May 9, 1863, ibid,, 233-234. 

^^^Same to same, March x, and 3, 1863, ibid,, X12-XX3, XX3-XX4. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 265 

out of odd battalions and independent companies/** 
Cooper, in fact, seemed bent upon tantalizing Steele 
and many of the Indians were behind him/*' Colonel 
Tandy Walker was especially his supporter. Cooper 
had been Walker's choice for department commander ^** 
and continued so, in spite of all Steele's honest attempts 
to propitiate him and in spite of his promise to use 
every exertion to satisfy Choctaw needs generally/" 
To Tandy Walker Steele entrusted the business of re- 
cruiting anew among the Choctaws/" 

^^* Steele to Anderson, February 13, 1863, Confederate Records, chap a, 
no. 270, p. 89. 

^^* It was not ^rue, apparently, that the Chickatawt were dissatisfied with 
Cooper. See the evidence furnished by themselves, Official Records, vol. zxii, 
part ii, 1116-1117. 

''^^Confederate Military History, vol. x, 134, footnote 

^^^ Steele to Tandy Walker, February 25, 1863, Confederate Records, chap. 
3, no. 270, p. X09. 

7^* Crosby to Walker, March 11, 1863, ibid., p. 136. Steele thought that 
the Indians might as well be employed in a military way since they were 
more than likely to be a public charge. To Colonel Anderson he wrote^ March 
22, 1863 [ibid., p. 155], "I forward the above copy of a letter from Gen^ 
Cooper for Gen^ Holmes* information. I purpose if not otherwise directed 
to call out all the available force of the Nations within the conscript age. . • 
They have to be fed and might as well be organized and put into a position 
to be useful." From the correspondence of Steele, it would seem that there 
was some trouble over Walker's promotion. April 10^ Steele wrote again 
to Anderson on the subject of Indian enrollment in the ranks and referred 
to the other matter. 

"The enclosed copy of some articles in the Treaty between the C 8. Govt 
and the Choctaws with remarks by Gen^ Cooper are submitted for the con- 
sideration of the Lt Gen^ 

"It appears that Col. Walker was recommended to fill the vacancy made 
by the promotion of Col. Cooper, the right being given by the treaty to 
appoint to the office of Col., the other offices being filled by election, and that 
at the time, the enemy were at Van Buren Col. Walker being at the con- 
venient point was put upon duty by Col. Cooper and has since been recog- 
nized by several acts of my own, not however with a full knowledge of the 
circumstances. That under instructions from Gen^ Hindman a Regt was 
being organized which it was expected would be commanded by CoL Folsom, 
the whole of which appears to be a very good arrangement The necessity 
that exists of feeding nearly all the Indians would seem to present an addi- 



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266 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Furloughs and desertions were the bane of Steele's 
existence/" In these respects Alexander's brigade, 

tional reason for having them in service. Companies are also being organ- 
ized from the Reserve Indians, with the view to replace white troops with 
them who are now engaged protecting the frontier from the incursions of the 
wild tribes. Moreover the enemy's forces being composed partially of In- 
dians, the troops would be effective against them, when they might not be 
against other troops. . ." [ibid^ pp. 186-187]. Appointments, as well as 
promotions, within the Indian service caused Steele much perplexity. See 
Steele to Anderson, April 13, 1863, ibid.^ pp. 190-191. 

^^* Steele thought it desirable to arrest all men, at large, who were subject 
to military duty under the conscript act, unless they could produce evidence 
''of a right to remain off dvLtf* [Crosby to Colonel Newton, January 12, 1863, 
ibid,^ p. 32]. Presumably whole companies were deserting their posts [Cros- 
by to Cooper, February i, 1863, ibid.t pp. 66-67]. ^^ ^^^ suggested that 
some deserters should be permitted to organize against jayhawkers as, under 
sanction from Holmes, had been the case with deserters in the Magazine 
Mountains [Steele to Anderson, February i, 1863, ibid,, p. 67]. When word 
came that the Federals were about to organize militia in northwestern Ar- 
kansas, Steele ordered that all persons, subject to military duty, who should 
fail to enroll themselves before February 6, should be treated as bush- 
whackers [same to same, February 3, 1863, ibid., pp. 69-70]. Colonel Charles 
DeMorse, whose Texas regiment had been ordered, February 15, to report to 
Cooper [Crosby to DeMorse, February 15, 1863, ibid,"], asked to be allowed 
to make an expedition against the wild tribes. Some two hundred fifty 
citizens would be more than glad to accompany it Steele was indignant and 
Duval, at his direction, wrote thus to Cooper, April 19: ". . . Now if 
these men were so anxious to march three or four hundred miles to find the 
enemy, they could certainly be induced to take up arms temporarily in de- 
fence of their immediate homes" [ibid^ p. 203]. It was not that Steele ob- 
jected to expeditions against the wild tribes but he was disgusted with the 
lack of patriotism and military enthusiasm among the Texans and Arkansans. 
Colonel W. P. Lane's regiment of Texas Partizan Rangers was another that 
had to be chided for its dilatoriness [ibid,, pp. 168-169, 199, 234]. Deficient 
means of transportation was oftentimes the excuse given for failure to appear 
but Steele's complaint to Anderson, April 10 [ibid,, 185-186], was very much 
more to the point He wrote, 

**. . . I find that men are kept back upon every pretext; that QrMasters 
and Govt Agents or persons calling themselves such have detailed them to 
drive teams hauling cotton to Mexico, and employed them about the Gov't 
agencies. This cotton speculating mania is thus doing us great injury be- 
sides taking away all the transportation in the country. . ." Public feel- 
ing in Texas was on the side of deserters to a very great extent and in one 
instance, at least, Steele was forced to defer to it, ''You will desist from the 
attempt to take the deserters from Hart's Company or any other in northern 
Texas if the state of public feeling is such that it cannot be done without 



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Indian Territory in 1863 267 

within which Colonel Phillips had detected traitors to 
the Confederate cause,"* was, perhaps, the most incor- 
rigible."* From depardnent headquarters came im- 
passioned appeals"* for activity and for loyalty but 

danger of producing a collision with the people. The men are no doubt 
deserters, but we have no men to spare, to enforce the arrest at the present 
time" [Steele to Captain Randolph, July i, 1863, ibid.^ p. 116. See also Steele 
to Borland, July i, 1863, ibid,^ no. 268, p. 117]. When West's Battery was or- 
dered to report at Fort Smith it was discovered going in the opposite direction 
[Steele to J. k. Harrison, April 25, 1863, ibid,^ no. 370, p. 313 ; Duval to Har- 
rison, May I, 1863, ibid.f p. 221; Steele to Anderson, May 9, 1863, ibid,^ p. 
333 ; Steele to Cooper, May 11 1863, i^fV., pp. 237-238]. 

One expedition to the plains that Steele distinctly encouraged was that 
organized by Captain Wells [Steele to Cooper, March 16, 1863, ibid,^ pp. 
145-146]. It was designed that Wells's command should operate on the 
western frontier of Kansas and intercept trains on the Santa F^ trail [Steele 
to Anderson, April 17, 1863, ibid,^ p. 197]. 

Y*^ Official Records, vol xxii, part ii, p. 62. 

T66 pQr correspondence with Alexander objecting to further furloughing 
and urging the need of promptness, see ConfederaU Records, chap. 2, no. 

270, pp. I21-122, 163-164, 170^ 178-179, 3IO-2II. 

^••The following are illustrations: 

". . . Every exertion is being made and the Gen' feels confident that 
the means will be attained of embarking in an early spring campaign. It 
only remains for the officers and men to come forward to duty in a spirit of 
willingness and cheerfulness to render the result of operations in the Dept 
(or beyond it as the case may be) not only successful but to add fresh re- 
nown to the soldiers whom he has the honor to coounand. . ."-Crosby 
to Talliaferro, February 24, 1863, Confederate Records, chap. 3, no. 370, pp. 
105-106. 

"The Commanding Gen> would be gratified to grant the within petition 
were it compatible with the interests of the service and the cause which 
petitioners 'Hold dearer than life.' He is fully aware of the many urgent 
reasons which a number of officers and men have for visiting their homes, 
providing for their families, etc, etc 

"The Enemy conscious of his superior strength is constantly threatening 
the small force that now holds him in check on the line of the Arkansas 
river. Speight's Brigade was sent to their present position -not because 
they were not needed here -but for the reason that it was an utter impos- 
sibility to subsist it in this region. 

"Every consideration of patriotism and duty imperiously demands the 
presence of every officer and soldier belonging to this command. The season 
of active operations is at hand. The enemy in our front is actively em- 
ployed in accumulating supplies and transportation and in massing, drilling, 
and disciplining his troops. His advance cannot be expected to be long de- 



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268 The I ndian as Participant in the Civil War 

without telling or lasting effect The Confederate ser- 
vice in Indian Territory was honeycombed with fraud 
and corruption/" Wastrels, desperadoes, scamps of 
every sort luxuriated at Indian expense. It was no 
wonder that false muster rolls had to be guarded 
against/" The Texans showed throughout so great 
an aversion to the giving of themselves or of their 
worldly goods^" to the salvation of the country that 

layed. Thb enemy it made up of Kansas Jayhawkers, Tin Indians,' and 
Traitors from Missouri, Arkansas and Texas. The ruin, devastation, op- 
pression, and tyranny that has marked his progress has no parallel in his- 
tory. The last official Report from your Brigade shews a sad state of weak- 
ness. Were the enemy informed on thb point our line of defence would soon 
be transferred from the Arkansas to Red river. In the name of God, our 
country and all that is near and dear to us, let us discard from our minds 
every other consideration than that of a firm, fixed, and manly determination 
to do our duty and our whole duty to our countiy in her hour of peril and 
need. The season is propitious for an advance. Let not supineness, indif- 
ference and a lack of enthusiasm in a just and holy cause, compel a retreat 
Texas is the great Commissary Depot west of the Mississippi The enemy 
must be kept as far from her rich fields and countless herds, as possible. 
Let us cheerfully, harmoniously, and in a spirit of manly sacrifice bend every 
energy mental and physical to preparations for a forward movement The 
foregoing reasons for a refusal to grant leave of absence will serve as 
an answer in all similar cases and will be disseminated among the officers 
and men of the Brigade by the Commanders thereof ."- Ckosbt, by command 
of Steele, March ao^ 1863, Confederate Records, chap. 2, no. 270^ pp. 151-152. 

^*^ J. A. Scales to Adair, April 12, 1863, Official Records, vol. xxii, part 
ii, 821-822. 

^'* Confederate Records, chap. 2, no. 270^ p. 224. 

^** Holmes, as early as March, warned Steele that he would have to get 
his supplies soon from Texas. It would not be possible to draw them much 
longer from the Arkansas River. He was told to prepare to get them in 
Texas "at all hazard," which instruction was construed by Steele to mean, 
"take it, if you cant buy it" [ibid,, 145-146]. It was probably the prospect 
of having to use force or compulsion that made Steele so interested, late in 
May, in finding out definitely whether Hindman's acts in Arkansas had 
really been legalized [Steele to Blair, May 22, 1863, ibid,, 34]. Appreciat- 
ing that it was matter of vital concern that the grain crop in northern Texas 
should be harvested, Steele was at a loss to know how to deal with petitions 
that solicited furloughs for the purpose [Steele to Anderson, May 4, 1863, 
ibid,, 227; Duval to Cabell, May 7, 1863, ibid,, 230-231]. Perhaps, it was a 
concession to some such need that induced him, in June, to permit seven 
day furloughs [Duval to Cooper, June 27, 1863, ibid., no. 268, p. 100]. 



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Indian Territory in 1 86 J 269 

Steele in despair cried out, ". . . it does appear as 
if the Texas troops on this frontier were determined to 
tarnish the proud fame that Texans have won in other 
fields." ^^ The Arkansans were no better and no worse. 
The most fitting employment for many, the whole 
length and breadth of Steele's department, was the mere 
"ferreting out of jayhawkers and deserters." ^" 

The Trans-Mississippi departmental change, effected 
in January, was of short duration, so short that it could 
never surely have been intended to be anything but 
transitional. In February the parts were re-united and 
Kirby Smith put in command of the whole,^" President 
Davis explaining, not very candidly, that no dissatisfac- 
tion with Holmes was thereby implied.^' Smith was 
the ranking officer and entitled to the first consideration. 
Moreover, Holmes had once implored that a substitute 
for himself be sent out. As a matter of fact. Holmes 
had become too much entangled with Hindman, too 
much identified with all that Arkansans objected to in 
Hindman/*^ his intolerance, his arrogance, his illegali- 
ties, for him to be retained longer, with complacency, 
in chief command. Hindman and he were largely to 
blame for the necessity ^•^ of suspending the privilege 
of the writ of habeas corpus in Arkansas and the adja- 
cent Indian country, which had just been done. Strong 

*•• Steele to Alexander, April a$, 1S63, Confederate Records, no. 270^ pp. 
3io-aii. 

T61 Duval to Colonel John King, June 30^ i%6%, ihid^ no. 96S, p. iia 

»•« Livennore, Story of the Civil War, part iii, book i, p. 255. 

T6S Davit to Holmes, February a6, 1863, Oficiat Records, voL liil, tup- 
plement^ S49-S5a 

7^ Davit to Holmes, January 38, 1863, ibid., 846-847. 

Y^^The necessity was exceedingly great Take, for instance, the situa« 
tion at Fort Smith, where the dtixens themselves asked for the establish- 
ment of martial law in order that lives and property might be reasonably 
secure [Crosby to Mayor Joseph Bennett, January 10^ 1863, Confederate 
Records, chap. 2, no. 370, pp. 33-34]. 



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270 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

political pressure was exerted in Richmond ^'^ and the 
Arkansas delegation in Congress demanded Hindman's 
recall,**' Holmes's displacement, and Kirby Smith's ap- 
pointment. The loss of that historic fort, Arkansas 
Post,'" also a tardy appreciation of the economic value 
of the Arkansas Valley and, incidentally, of the entire 
Trans-Mississippi Departaient,'*' hat! really determined 
matters; but, fortunately, the supersedure of Holmes by 
Smith did not affect the position of Steele. 

Steele divined that the Federals would naturally 
make an early attempt to occupy in force the country 
north of the Arkansas River and beyond it to the south- 
ward in what had hitherto been a strictly Confederate 
stronghold. It was his intention to forestall them. The 
two Cherokee regiments constituted, for some little 
time, his best available troops and them he kept in al- 
most constant motion."" His great reliance, and well 
it might be, was upon Stand Watie, whom he had 

7*^ Davit to Garland, March 28, 1863, Oficial Records, vol. liii, supple- 
ment, 861-863; Davit to the Arkansas delegation, March 30, 1863, ibid,, 863- 
865. 

^*^Hindman was not immediately recalled; but he soon manifested an 
unwillingness to continue under Holmes [ibid,, 848]. He had very pro- 
nounced opinions about some of his associates. Price he thought of as a 
breeder of factions and Holmes as an honest man but unsystematic. In the 
summer, he actually asked for an assignment to Indian Territory [ibid,, 
vol. xxii, part ii, 895]. 

T68 Livermore, Story of the Civil War, part iii, book i, 8$. Davis would 
fain have believed that so great a disaster had not befallen the Confederate 
arms [Letter to Holmes, January 28, 1863, Official Records, vol. liii, sup- 
plement, 847]. 

^** Perhaps, it is scarcely fair to intimate that the Trans-Mississippi De- 
partment was regarded as unimportant at this stage. It was only relative- 
ly so. In proof of that, see Davis to Governor Flanagin, April 3, 1863, 
ibid,, 865-866; Davis to Johnson, July 14, 1863, ibid,, 879-880. When Kirby 
Smith tarried late in the assumption of his enlarged duties. Secretary Seddon 
pointed out the increasingly great significance of them [Letter to Smith, 
March 18, 1863, ibid,, vol. xxii, part ii, pp. 802-803]. 

T^o Steele to Cabell, April 18, 1863, Confederate Records, no. 270, p. 199. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 271 

brought up betimes within convenient distance of Fort 
Smith"* and with whom, in April, Phillips's men had 
two successful encounters, on the fourteenth "* and the 
twenty-fifth. The one of the twenty-fifth was at Web- 
ber's Falls and especially noteworthy, since, as a Fed- 
eral victory, it prevented a convening of the secession- 
ist Cherokee Council,"' for which, so important did he 
deem it, Steele had planned an extra protection."* The 
completeness of the Federal victory was marred by the 
loss of Dr. Gillpatrick,"* who had so excellently served 
the ends of diplomacy between the Indian Expedition 
and John Ross. 

Through May and June, engagements, petty in them- 
selves but contributing each its mite to ultimate success 
or failure, occupied detachments of the opposing In- 
dian forces with considerable frequency."* Two, de- 
vised by Cooper, those of the fourteenth"^ and twen- 
tieth"* of May may be said to characterize the entire 

771 «You will order Colonel Stand Watie to move hit command down the 
Ark. River to some point in the vicinity of Fort Smith." - Crosby to Cooper, 
February 14, 1863, ibid.^ p. 90. 

^»«Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. ii, 37. 

^T» Phillips to Curtis, April 26, 1863, Official Records, vol. xxii, part i, 
314-315; Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. ii, 40-41. Mrs. Anderson, 
in her Life of General Stand fFatie, denies categorically that the meeting of 
the council was interrupted on this occasion [p. 22] and cites the recollec- 
tions of 'living veterans" in proof. 

^^^ "I am directed by the General Corn's to say that he deems it advisa- 
ble that you should move your Hd. Qrs. higher up the river, say in the 
vicinity of Webber's Falls or Pheasant Bluff. He is desirous that you should 
be somewhere near the Council when that body meets, so that any attempt 
of the enemy to interfere with their deliberations may be thwarted by you." - 
Duval to Cooper, April 22, 1863, Confederate Records, chap. 2, no. 270, p. 
209. 

Y^B Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. ii, 42. 

^^* — Ibid,, vol. ii, chapters vi and vii. 

'''^^ Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 469. 

77S — Ibid,, vol. xxii, part i, 337-338; Confederate Records, chap. 2, no. 
268, p. 34- 



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272 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

scries and were nothing but fruitless demonstrations to 
seize the Federal grazing herds. A brilliant cavalry 
raid, undertaken by Stand Watie and for the same pur- 
pose, a little later, was slightly more successful ;"• but 
even its fair showing was reversed in the subsequent skir- 
mish at Greenleaf Prairie, June i6/*^ To the northward, 
something more serious was happening, since actions, 
having their impetus in Arkansas,^" were endangering 
Phillips's line of communication with Fort Scott, his 
base and his depot of supplies. In reality, Phillips was 
hard pressed and no one knew better than he how pre- 
carious his situation was. Among his minor troubles 
was the refusal of his Creeks to charge in the engage- 
ment of May 20. 

The refusal of the Creeks to charge was not, how- 
ever, indicative of any widespread disaffection.^" So 

^^* Anderton, ao-21. Interettingly enough, about this time Cooper report- 
ed that he could get plenty of beef where he was and at a comparatively 
low price, Confederate Records, chap, a, no. 268, pp. 60-61. 
v*<> Official Records, vol. zxii, part i, $4^-35^ 

^*^Not all got their impetus there. The following letter although not 
sent, contains internal evidence that Cooper was concocting some of them: 

"I learn unofficially that Gen^ Cooper, having received notice of the ap- 
proach of a train of supplies for Gibson, was about crossing the Arkansas 
with the largest part of his force, to intercept it It is reported that the 
train would have been in 15 miles of Gibson last night* If Gen^ Cooper 
succeeds Phillips will leave soon, if not he will probably remain some time 
longer. Be prepared to move in case he leaves." - Stbblb to Cabell, June 
24, 1S63, Confederate Records, chap. 9, no. 36S, p. 96. 

^**The following letter shows the nature of the Creek disaflFection: 
Dear Grbat Father: Sir, The wicked rebellion in the United 
States has caused a division Id the Nation. Some of our many loving 
leaders have joined the rebels merely for speculation and consequent- 
ly divided our people and that brought ruin in our Nation. They 
had help near and ours was far so that our ruin was sure. We saw 
this plain beforehand. Therefore we concluded to go to 3rou our 
great father, remembering the treaty that you have made with us long 
ago in which you promised us protection. This was the cause that 
made us to go and meet you in your white house about eighteen 
months ago and there laid our complaint before you, as a weaker 
brother wronged of hb rights by a stronger brother and you promised 
us your protection; but before we got back to our people they were 



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Indian Territory in 1863 273 

honorably had Phillips been conducting himself with 
reference to Indian affairs, so promptly and generously 
had he discharged his obligations to the refugees who 
had been harbored at Neoshd-they had all returned 
now from exile "'-so successfully had he everywhere 
encountered the foe that the Indians, far and wide, were 
beginning to look to him for succor,"* many of them to 

made to leave their humble and peaceful home and also all their 
property and traveled towards north in the woods without roads not 
only that but they were followed, so that they had to fight three 
battles so as to keep their families from being taken away from them. 
In the last fight they were overpowered by a superior force so they 
had to get away the best way they can and most every thing they had 
was taken away from them* . . Now this was the way we left our 
countiy and this was the condition of our people when we entered 
within the bounds of the State of Kansaf. . . 

Now Great Father you have promised to help us in clearing out 
our country so that we could bring back our families to their homes 
and moreover we have enlisted as home guards to defend our coun- 
try and it will be twelve months in a few weeks . . . but there 
is nothing done as yet in our country. We have spent our time in the 
states of Mo. and Arks, and in the Cherokee Nation. We are here 
in Ft Gibson over a month. Our enemies are just across the river 
and our pickets and theirs are fighting most every day. . . 

There is only three regts. of Indians and a few whites are here. 
Our enemy are gathering fast from all sides . . . 

A soldier's rights we know but little but it seems to us that our 
rations are getting shorter all the time but that may be on account of 
the teams for it have to be hauled a great ways. - Crbbks to the Presi- 
dent of the United Sutes, May i6^ 18^, Office of Indian Affairs^ 
General Files, Creek^ 1S60-1S69, O 6 of 1S6). 

^**Britton's account of the return of the Cherokee exiles is recommended 
for perusal. It could scarcely be excelled. See, Civil War on the Border, 
vol. ii, 34-S7. 

^*^ Certain proceedings of Carruth and Martin would seem to suggest 
that they were endeavoring to reap the reward of Phillips's labors, by 
negotiating, somewhat prematurely, for an inter-tribal council. Coffin may 
have endorsed it^ but Dole had not [Dole to Coffin, July S, 1863, Indian Office 
Letter Book, no. 71, p. 116]. The pretext for calling such a council lay in 
fairly recent doings of the wild tribes. The subjoined letters and extracts 
of letters will elucidate the subject: February 7, Coffin reported to Dole 
[General Files, Southern Superintendency, 1863-18^4] that the wild Indians 
had been raiding on the Verdigris and Pall Rivers into the Creek and 
Cherokee countries, "jayEawking property," and bringing it into Kansas and 
selling it to the settlers. Some of the cattle obtained in this way had been 



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274 -^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

wonder, whether in joining the Confederacy, they had 
not made a terrible mistake, a miscalculation beyond 
all remedying. 

To the Confederates, tragically enough, the Indian's 
tale of woe and of regret had a different meaning. The 

sold by a settler to the contractor and fed to the Indians. Jim Ned's band 
of wild Delawares, returning from such a jayhawking expedition, had stolen 
some Osage ponies and had become involved in a fight in which two Dela- 
wares had been killed [ColHn to Dole, February 12, 2863, ibid,, Neojho, 
C73 of 1863]. Coffin prevailed upon Jim Ned to stop the jayhawking ex- 
cursions; inasmuch as ''Considerable bad feeling exists on tlie part of the 
Cherokees in consequence of the bringing up ... a great many cattle, 
ponies, and mules, which they allege belong to the Cherokee refugees. . ." 
[Coffin to Dole, February 24, 1863, Indian Office General Files, Southern 
Superintendencft 1863-1864]. 

Feelings of hostility continued to exist, notwithstanding, between the 
civilized and uncivilized red men and "aided materially the emissaries of 
the Rebellion in fomenting discords and warlike raids upon whites as well as 
Indians. . ." [Coffin to Dole, June 25, 1863, ibid,^ C 325]. It was under 
such circumstances that Carruth took it upon himself to arrange an inter- 
tribal council. This is his report [Carruth to Coffin, June 17, 1863, ibid,']. 
His action was seconded by Martin [Martin to Coffin, June 18, 1863, ibid,y, 

"I left Belmont (the temporary Wichita agency) May 26th to hold a 
Council with the Indians of the Wichita Agency, who have not as yet reached 
Kansas ... I found . . . upon reaching Fall River . . . that 
the Wichita^ alone had sent over 100 men. We reached the Ark. River 
May 31*^. After having been compelled to purchase some provisions for the 
number of people, who have come, that were not provided for. The next 
day we were joined by the Kickapoos and Sacs, and here I was informed 
by the Kickapoos, that no runner had gone through to the Cadoes and 
Comanches from them, as we had heard at Belmont, yet I learned, that 
these tribes were then camped at the Big Bend, some sixty miles above and 
waiting at this point: I sent three Wichitas - among them the Chief -some 
lonies, Wacoes, and Tawa Kuwus through to them calling on their Chiefs to 
come and have a 'talk.* 

'They reached us on the 8th of June, and after furnishing the presents 
I had taken to them all the different tribes were called to Council. Present 
were, Arapahoes, Lipans, Comanches, Kioways, Sac and Foxes, Kickapoos 
and Cadoes besides the Indians who went out with me. 

"All of them are true to the Government of the United States, but some 
are at war with each other. I proposed to them to make peace with all 
the tribes friendly to our Government, so that their 'Great Father* might 
view all of them alike. 

*To this they agreed, and a Council was called to which the Osages, 
Potawatomies, Shians, Sac and Foxes, in fact all the tribes at variance, are 



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Indian Territory in 1863 275 

talc had been told many times of late and every time 
with a new emphasis upon that part of it that recounted 
delusion and betrayal. For quite a while now the In- 
dians had been feeling themselves neglected. Steele 
was aware of the fact but helpless. When told of 
treaty rights he had to plead ignorance; for he had 
never seen the treaties and had no official knowledge of 
their contents. He was exercising the functions of 
superintendent ex officio^ not because the post had ever 
been specifically conferred upon him or instructions 
sent, but because he had come to his command to find 
it, in nearly every aspect, Indian and no agent or super- 
intendent at hand to take charge"' of aflfairs that were 

to be invited, to hold a grand peace Council near the mouth of the Little 
Arkansas River within six weeks. Meanwhile they are to send runners to 
notify these tribes to gather on the Arkansas, sixty miles above, that they 
may be within reach of our call when we get to the Council ground. Sub- 
sistence will have to be provided foo: at least xoooo Indians at that time. 
They will expect something from the Government to convince them of its 
power to carry through its promises. Some of the Cadoes and Comanches 
connected with this Agency, after coming to the Arkansas, returned to Fort 
Cobb. These will all come back to this Council. Their desire is to be sub- 
sisted on the Little Arkansas, some 70 miles from Emporia until the war 
closes. 

"They argue like this, HThe Government once sent us our provisions to 
Fort Cobb over 300 miles from Fort Smith. We do not want to live near 
the whites, because of troubles between them and us in regard to ponies, 
timber, fields, green com, etc Our subsistence can be hauled to the mouth 
of the Little Arkansas, easier by far, than it was formerly from Fort Smith, 
and by being at this point we shall be removed from the abodes of the 
whites, so they cannot steal our ponies, nor can our people trouble them.' 

"I believe they are right I have had more trouble the past winter in 
settling difficulties between the Indians and whites on account of trades, 
stolen horses, broken fences, etc than from all other causes combined. 

"I cannot get all the Indians of this Agency together this side of the 
Little Arkansas. That point will be near enough the Texan frontier for the 
Indians to go home easily when the war closes. It is on the direct route 
to Fort Cobb. They are opposed to going via Fort Gibson . . ." 

T86 Without legislating on the subject, and without intending it, the 
Confederacy had virtually put into effect, a recommendation of Hindman*s 
that 'HThe superintendencies, agencies, etc, should be abolished, and a purely 
military establishment substituted . . .*' [Official Records, vol. xiii, p. 51.]. 



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276 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

ordinarily not stricdy within the range of military 
cognizance. 

• General Steele, like many another, was inclined to 
think that the red men greatly over-estimated their own 
importance ; for they failed to ''see and understand how 
small a portion of the field" ^^ they really occupied. 
To Steele, it was not Indian Territory that was valu- 
able but Texas. For him the Indian country, barren 
by reason of the drouth, denuded of its live stock, a prey 
to jayhawker, famine, and pestilence, did nothing more 
than measure the distance between the Federals and the 
rich Texan grain-fields, from whence he fondly hoped 
an inexhaustible supply of flour "^ for the Confederates 
was to come. In short, the great and wonderful ex- 
panse that had been given to the Indian for a perpetual 
home was a mere buffer. 

But it was a buffer, throbbing with life, and that was 
something Steele dared not ignore and could not if he 
would. With such a consciousness, when the secession- 
ist Cherokees were making arrangements for their 
council at Webber's Falls in April, he hastened to pro- 
pitiate them ahead of time by addressing them ''through 
the medium of their wants" for he feared what might 
be their action ^•^ should they assemble with a griev- 

VM Steele to Wigfall, April 15, 1863, Oficial Records, vol. zzti, part ii, 
Saa 

^*^ Steele's letter books furnish much evidence on this score. A large 
portion has been published in the Official Records. During the period covered 
by this chapter, he was drawing his supply of flour from Riddle's Station, 
"on the Fort Smith and Boggy Road" [Confederate Records, chap, a, no. 270^ 
p. 152] in charge of which was CapUin Hardin of Bass's Texas Cavalry. 
He expected to draw from Arkansas likewise [Steele to Major S. J. Lee, 
June 9, 1863, Confederate Records, chap. 2, no. 268, pp. 70-71; Duval to 
Hardin, June 16, 1863, ihid^ p. 81; Steele to Lee, June 17, 1863, ibid. pp. 
87-88]. 

TSS«£nclosed please find a letter to CoL Adair, and a note from him 
forwarding it I send it for the consideration of General Holmes. The 



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Indian Territory in l86j 277 

ancc"* against the Confederacy in their hearts. Pro- 
tection against the oncoming enemy and relief from 
want were the things the Indians craved, so, short 
though his own supplies were, Steele had to make pro- 
vision for the helpless and indigent natives, the feeding 
of whom became a fruitful and constantly increasing 
source of embarrassment/**^ 
Just and generous as General Steele endeavored to 

subject 18 one of grave importance. If a regiment of infantry could be 
spared to take post at this place and General Cabell could be permitted to 
include it in his command, I would go more into the nation and would be able 
soon to give the required protection. The troops from Red River have been 
ordered up and should be some distance on the waj before this. I fear the 
meeting of the Cherokee Council which takes place on the 20th . . . un- 
less more troops arrive before they act"-STBBLB to Anderson, April 15, 
1863, Confederatt Records, no. 270^ p. 194. 

This was not the first time Steele had expressed a wish to go into the 
Nation. March aoth, when writing to Anderson [ihid^ p. 150], he had 
thought it of "paramount importance" that he visit all parts of his com- 
mand. Concerning his apprehension about the prospective work of the 
Cherokee Council, he wrote quite candidly to Wigfall [Official Records, vol. 
xzii, part ii, S»i]. 

^•'The letter to Colonel W. P. Adair, written by one of his adjutants, 
J A. Scales, April xa, 1863 [ibid,, 89i-8aa], is a creditable presentation of 
the Cherokee grievance. 

^*^ Steele here presents certain phases of the embarrassment, 

** . . . The matter of feeding destitute Indians has been all through 
a vexatious one, the greatest trouble being to find in each neighborhood a 
reliable person to receive the quota for that neighborhood. These people 
seem more indiflFerent to the wants of others than any I have seen; they 
are not willing to do the least thing to assist in helping their own people who 
are destitute. I have, in many instances, been unable to get wagons to 
haul the flour given them. I have mcurred a great responsibility in using 
army rations in this way and to the extent that I have. I have endeavored 
to give to all destitute and to sell at cost to those who are able to purchase. 
In this matter the Nation has been more favored than the adjacent States. 
I am told by Mr. Boudinot that a bill was passed by the Cherokee Council, 
taking the matter into their own hands. I hope it is so. In which case 
I shall cease issuing to others who have not, like them, been driven from their 
homes. Dr. Walker was appointed to superintend this matter, some system 
being necessary to prevent the same persons from drawing from different 
commissaries . . ."-Stbblb to D. H. Cooper, June 15, 1863, Confederate 
Records, chap. 2, no. 268, pp. 80-8 x. 



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278 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

be in the matter of attention to Indian necessities, his 
efforts were unappreciated largely because of evil in- 
fluences at work to undermine him and to advance 
Douglas H. Cooper. Steele had his points of vulner- 
ability, his inability to check the Federal advance and 
his remoteness from the scene of action, his headquar- 
ters being at Fort Smith. Connected with the second 
point and charged against him were all the bad prac- 
tices of those men who, in their political or military 
control of Indian Territory, had allowed Arkansas to 
be their chief concern. Such practices became the 
foundation stone of a general Indian dissatisfaction and, 
concomitantly, Douglas H. Cooper, of insatiable ambi- 
tion, posed as the exponent of the idea that the safety of 
Indian Territory was an end in itself. 

The kind of separate military organization that con- 
stituted Steele's command was not enough for the In- 
dians. Seemingly, they desired the restoration of the 
old Pike department, but not such as it had been in the 
days of the controversy with Hindman but such as it 
always was in Pike's imagination. The Creeks were 
among the first to declare that this was their desire. 
They addressed^" themselves to President Davis ^" and 

'9^Moty Kanard and Echo Harjo to President Davis, May 18, 1863, 
Official Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, 1118-1x19. 

^^> Davis, in his message of January 12, 1863 [Richardson, Messaga 
and Papers of the Confederacy, vol. i, 295] had revealed an acquaintance 
with some Indian dissatisfaction but intimated that it had been dispelled, 
it having arisen "from a misapprehension of the intentions of the Govern- 
ment . . ." It was undoubtedly to allay apprehension on the part of 
the Indians that Miles, in the house of Representatives, offered the following 
resolution, February 17, 1863: 

"Resolved, That the Government of the Confederate States has witnessed 
with feelings of no ordinary gratification the loyalty and good faith of the 
larger portion of its Indian allies west of the State of Arkansas. 
''Resolved further, That no effort of the Confederate Government shall be 
spared to protect them fully in all their rights and to assist them in de- 
fending their country against the encroachments of all enemies." 
{Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States, vol. vi, 113]. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 279 

boldly said that their country had "been treated as a 
mere appendage of Arkansas, where needy politicians 
and proteges of Arkansas members of Congress must be 
quartered." The Seminoles followed suit,^" although 
in a congratulatory way, after a rumor had reached 
them that the Creek request for a separate department 
of Indian Territory was about to be granted. The 
rumor was false and in June Tandy Walker, on behalf 
of the Choctaws, reopened the whole subject.^** A few 
days earlier, the Cherokees had filed their complaint 
but it was of a different character, more fundamental, 
more gravely portentous. 

The Cherokee complaint took the form of a deliber- 
ate charge of contemplated bad faith on the part of the 
Confederate government. E. C. Boudinot, the Chero- 
kee delegate in the Southern Congress, had recently 
returned from Richmond, empowered to submit a cer- 
tain proposal to his constituents. The text of the pro- 
posal does not appear in the records but its nature,^'* 
after account be taken of some exaggeration attributable 
to the extreme of indignation, can be inferred from the 
formal protest *•* against it, which was drawn up at 
Prairie Springs in the Cherokee Nation about fifteen 
miles from Fort Gibson on the twenty-first of June and 
signed by Samuel M. Taylor, acting assistant chief, 
John Spears of the Executive Council, and Alexander 
Foreman, president of the convention. To all intents 
and purposes the Cherokees were asked, in return for 
some paltry offices chiefly military, to institute a sort 
of system of military land grants. White people were 
to be induced to enlist in their behalf and were then to 

^**June 6, 1863, Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, iiaa 
^*^ June 24, 1863, ibid,, 1122-1x23. 

^*B Steele's letter to Kirby Smith, June 24, 1863 \ibid,, 883-884], gives 
some hint of its nature also. 
^^ — Ibid,, XI 20- XI 22. 



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280 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

be allowed to settle, on equal terms with the Cherokees, 
within the Cherokee country. The proposal, as con- 
strued by Taylor and his party, was nothing more or 
less than a suggestion that the Cherokees surrender their 
nationality, their political integrity, the one thing above 
everything else that they had sought to preserve when 
they entered into an active alliance with the Confeder- 
ate States. So sordid was the bargain proposed, so un- 
equal, that the thought obtrudes itself that a base ad- 
vantage was about to be taken of the Cherokee necessi- 
ties and that the objectors were justified in insinuating 
that Boudinot and his political friends were to be the 
chief beneficiaries. The Cherokee country was already 
practically lost to the Confederacy. Might it not be 
advisable to distribute the tribal lands, secure individ- 
ual holdings, while vested rights might still accrue; 
for, should bad come to worse, private parties could 
with more chance of success prosecute a claim than 
could a commonalty, which in its national or corporate 
capacity had committed treason and thereby forfeited 
its rights. One part of the Cherokee protest merits 
quotation here. Its noble indignation ought to have 
been proof enough for anybody. 

. . . We were present when the treaty was made, were 
a party to it, and rejoiced when it was done. In that treaty 
our rights to our country as a Nation were guaranteed to us 
forever, and the Confederate States promised to protect us in 
them. We enlisted under the banner of those States, and have 
fought in defense of our country under that treaty and for the 
rights of the South for nearly two years. We have been driven 
from our homes, and suffered severe hardships, privations, and 
losses, and now we are informed, when brighter prospects are 
before us, that you think it best for us to give part of our lands 
to our white friends; that, to defend our country and keep 
troops for our protection, we must raise and enlist them from 



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Indian Territory in 1 86 J 281 

our own territory, and that it is actually necessary that they 
are citizens of our country to enable us to keep them with us. 
To do this would be the end of our national existence and the 
ruin of our people. Two things above all others we hold most 
dear, our nationality and the welfare of our people. Had the 
war been our own, there would have been justice in the prop- 
osition, but it is that of another nation. We are allies, assist- 
ing in establishing the rights and independence of another na- 
tion. We, therefore, in justice to ourselves and our people, 
cannot agree to give a part of our domain as an inducement 
to citizens of another Government to fight their own battles 
and for their own country; besides, it would open a door to 
admit as citizens of our Nation the worst class of citizens of the 
Confederate States. • • 



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XIL INDIAN TERRITORY IN 1863, JULY TO 
DECEMBER INCLUSIVE 

Independence Day, 1863, witnessed climacteric scenes 
in the war dramas, cast and west. The Federal vic- 
tories of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, all-decisive in the 
history of the great American conflict, when considered 
in its entirety, had each its measure of immediate and 
local importance. The loss of all control of the Mis- 
sissippi navigation meant for the Confederacy its prac- 
tical splitting in twain and the isolation of its western 
part. For the Arkansas frontier and for the Missouri 
border generally, it promised, since western commands 
would now recover their men and resume their normal 
size, increased Federal aggressiveness or the end of 
suspended. Initial preparation for such renewed ag- 
gressiveness was contemporary with the fall of Vicks- 
burg and lay in the failure of the Confederate attack 
upon Helena, an attack that had been projected for the 
making of a diversion only. The failure compelled 
Holmes to draw his forces back to Little Rock. 

Confederate operations in Indian Territory through 
May and June had been, as already described, con- 
fined to sporadic demonstrations against Federal herds 
and Federal supply trains, all having for their main 
object the dislodgment of Phillips from Fort Gibson. 
What proved to be their culmination and the demon- 
stration most energetically conducted occurred at Cabin 
Crcek,^*^ while far away Vicksburg was falling and 

^*^ For an official report of the action at Cabin Creek, tee Oficiai Records, 
vol. nil, part i, 378-383. While, at thingi eTcntuated, it waa an endeaTor 



• 



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284 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Gettysburg was being fought. A commissary train 
from Fort Scott was expected. It was to come down, 
escorted by Colonel Williams who was in command of 
the negro troops that Blunt had stationed at Baxter 
Springs. To meet the train and to reinforce Williams, 
Phillips despatched Major Foreman from Fort Gibson. 
Cooper had learned of the coming of the train and had 
made his plans to seize it in a fashion now customary.^** 
The plans were quite elaborate and involved the coop- 
eration ^'^ of Cabell's Arkansas brigade,*"^ which was 
to come from across thfe line and proceed down the east 
side of the Grand River. Thither also, Cooper sent a 

to cut off the supply traiD, there was throughout the pottibility that it might 
alto result iD heading off Blunt, who was known to be on his way to Fort 
Gibson [Steele to Cooper, June 39, 1863; Duval to Cooper, June 39, 1863; 
Duval to Cabell, June 39, 1863]. 

^** Steele to Cabell, June 35, 1863 [Confedirate Ricords, chap. 3, no. 
368, p. 97; Official Records, vol. zxii, part ii, 885]. 

^** Steele to Cabell, June 39, 1863 [ConfediraU Records, chap. 3, no. 368, 
p. 105; Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 893-894]. 

•ooOf W. L. Cabell, the Confederate Militarf History, vol. x, has this 
to say: "Maj. W. L. Cabell, who had been sent to inspect the accounts of 
quartermasters in the department, having well acquitted himself of this 
duty, was, in March 1863, commissioned brigadier-general and requested to 
collect absentees from the service in northwestern Arkansas. Given Car- 
roll's and Monroe's regiments, he was directed to perfect such organizations 
as he could ..." He collected his brigade with great rapidity and it 
soon numbered about four thousand men. Even, in April, Steele was 
placing much reliance upon it, although he wished to keep its relation to 
him a secret He wrote to Cooper to that effect 

"Who will be in command of the Choctaws when you leave? Will they 
be sufficient to picket and scout on the other side of the river far enough 
to give notice of any advance of the enemy down the river? I do not 
wish it to be generally known that Cabell's forces are under my command, 
but prefer the enemy should think them a separate command; for this 
reason I do not send these troops west until there is a necessity for it; in 
the meantime the other troops can be brought into position, where if we 
can get sufficient anununition all can be concentrated. I cannot direct posi- 
tively, not having the intimate knowledge of the country, but you should be 
in a position which would enable you to move either down the Ark. River 
or on to the road leading from Boggy Depot to Gibson as circumstances 
may indicate. Let me hear from you frequently." - Stbblb to Cooper, April 
38, 1863, Confederate Records, chap. 3, no. 370^ pp. 317-318. 



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Indian Territory in l86j 285 

part of his own brigade and at the same time ordered 
another part under Stand Watie to go to Cabin Creek 
and to take such position on its south bank as to com- 
mand the crossing. It was a time when the rivers were 
all in flood, a circumstance that greatly affected the out- 
come since it prevented the forces on the east side of 
the Grand from coming to Stand Watie's support. As 
Foreman proceeded northward to effect a junction with 
Williams, he detached some Cherokees from the Third 
Indian, under Lieutenant Luke F. Parsons, to recon- 
noitre. In that way he became apprised of Watie's 
whereabouts and enabled to put himself on his guard. 
The commissary train, in due time, reached Cabin 
Creek and, after some slight delay caused, not by Stand 
Watie's interposition, but by the high waters, crossed. 
Federals and Confederates then collided in a somewhat 
disjointed but lengthy engagement with the result that 
Stand Watie retired and the train, nothing the worse 
for the hold-up, moved on without further molestation 
to Fort Gibson.*"' 

The action at Cabin Creek, July i to 3, was the last 
attempt of any size for the time being to capture Fed- 
eral supplies en route. The tables were thenceforth 
turned and the Confederates compelled to keep a close 

*<^^In describing what appears to be the action at Cabin Creek, Steele 
refers to '^ad conduct of the Creeks," and holds it partly responsible for 
the failure [Oficial Records, vol zxii, part ii, 910]. It is possible that he 
had in mind, however, a slightly earlier encounter, the same that he de- 
scribed, adversely to D. N. Mcintosh's abilities as a commander, in his general 
report lihid,, part i, 3a]. Steele had little faith in the Indian brigade and 
frankly admitted that he expected it in large measure, to "dissolve," if the 
Confederates were to be forced to fall back at Cabin Creek [Steele to Blair, 
July I, i86s» Oficial Records, vol. zzii, part ii, 90a]. Nevertheless, he an- 
ticipated a victory for his arms there [Steele to Blair, July 3, 1863, ibid,, 
903]. Prom his general report, it might be thought that Stand Watie dis- 
appointed him at this time, as later; but the Confederate failure was most 
certainly mainly attributable to the high waters, which prevented the union 
of their expeditionary forces [Steele to Blair, July 5, 1863, ibid,, 905]. 



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286 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

watch on their own depots and trains. Up to date, 
since his first arrival at Fort Gibson, Colonel Phillips 
had been necessarily on the defensive because of the 
fewness of his men. Subsequent to the Cabin Creek 
affair came a change, incident to events and conditions 
farther east. The eleventh of July brought General 
Blunt, commander of the District of the Frontier, to 
Fort Gibson. His coming was a surprise, as has al- 
ready been casually remarked, but it was most timely. 
There was no longer any reason whatsoever why offen- 
sive action should not be the main thing on the Federal 
docket in Indian Territory, as elsewhere. 

To protect its own supplies and to recuperate, the 
strength of the Confederate Indian brigade was direct- 
ed toward Red River, notwithstanding that Steele had 
still the hope of dislodging the Federals north of the 
Arkansas.*** His difficulties •** were no less legion 
than before, but he thought it might be possible to ac- 
complish the end desired by invading Kansas,**^ a plan 
that seemed very feasible after S. P. Bankhead as- 
sumed command of the Northern Sub-District of 
Texas.**" Steele himself had "neither the artillery nor 
the kind of force necessary to take a place" fortified as 
was Gibson ; but to the westward of the Federal strong- 
hold Bankhead might move. He might attack Fort 
Scott, Blunt's headquarters but greatly weakened now, 
and possibly also some small posts in southwest Mis- 
souri, replenishing his resources from time to time in 
the fertile and well settled Neosho River Valley. Again 

*<^' Steele took umbrage at a published statement of Pike that seemed 
to doubt this and to intimate that the line of the Arkansas had been def- 
initely abandoned [Steele to Pike, July 13, 1863, Oficial Records, vol. xzii, 
part ii, 925]. 

*<^s For new aspects of his difficulties, see Steele to Boggs, chief of staff, 
July 7, 1863, ibid,, 909-911. 

S04 — /^/^.^ p. j,o. 

*<** Steele to Bankhead, July 11, 1863, ibid., 921-922. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 287 



local selfishness rose to the surface*^ and Bankhead, 
surmising Steele's weakness and that he would almost 
inevitably have to fall back, perhaps vacating Indian 
Territory altogether, became alarmed for the safety of 
Texas.*^' 

Steele's recognition and admission of material inca- 
pacity for taking Fort Gibson in no wise deterred him 
from attempting it. The idea was, that Cooper should 
encamp at a point within the ,Creek Nation, fronting 
Fort Gibson, and that Cabell should join him there 
with a view to their making a combined attack.*** As 
entertained, the idea neglected to give due weight to 
the fact that Cabell's men were in no trim for immedi- 
ate action,*** notwithstanding that concerted action was 
the only thing likely to induce success. Blunt, with 

*<^ Arkansas betrayed similar selfishness. President Davis's rejoinder to 
a protest from Flanagin against a tendency to ignore the claims of the West 
struck a singularly high note. Admitting certain errors of the past, he 
prayed for the generous co5peration of the future ; for "it is to the future, not 
to the past, that we must address ourselves, and I wish to assure you, though 
I hope it is unneoessaiy, that no effort shall be spared to promote the defense 
of the Trans-Mississippi Department, and to develop its resources so as to 
meet the exigencies of the present struggle" [Official Records^ vol. zxii, part 
"» 93^]* PSve days afterwards. Governor Reynolds, in commending Secretary 
Seddon for a veiy able ministry, expressed confidence that his gubernatorial 
colleagues in Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana would, with himself, "act in no 
sectional or separatist spirit." It was saying a good deal, considering how 
strong the drift of popular opinion had been and was to be in the contrary 
direction. However, in August, the four governors appealed collectively to 
their constituents and to "the Allied Indian Nations," proving, if proof were 
needed, that they personally were sincere [ibid,, vol. till, supplement, 89a- 
894; Moore's Rebellion Record, vol. vii, 406-407]. 

"<^T Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 933. 

*<^"The plans for such concerted action were made as early as July 8 
[Steele to Cooper« July 8, 1863, Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 911-912]. 
Cabell was instructed to take position between Webber's Falls and Port 
Gibson [Duval to Cabell, July 10, 1863, ibid., 916-917] and more specifically, 
two dajrs before the battle, "within 15 or so miles of Gibson and this side 
of where Gen. Cooper is now encamped on Elk Creek" [Steele to Cabell, 
July 15, 1863, Confederate Records, chap, a, no. a68, p. 145]. 

*^ Steele knew of the deficiencies in their equipment, however, and of 
their exhausted state [Duval to W. H. Scott, Commanding Post at Clarks- 



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288 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

scouts out in all directions and with spies in the very 
camps of his foes, soon obtained an inkling of the Con- 
federate plan and resolved to dispose of Cooper before 
Cabell could arrive from Arkansas."* Cooper's posi- 
tion was on Elk Creek, not far from present Musko- 
gee,'" and near Honey Springs on the seventeenth of 
July the two armies met. Blunt forcing the engagement, 
having made a night march in order to do it. The 
Indians of both sides"* were on hand, in force, the 
First and Second Home Guards, being dismounted as 
infantry and thus fighting for once as they had been 
mustered in. Of the Confederate, or Cooper, brigade 
Stand Watie, the ever reliable, commanded the First 
and Second Cherokee, D. N. Mcintosh, the First and 
Second Creek, and Tandy Walker, the regiment of 
Choctaws and Chickasaws. The odds were all against 
Cooper from the start and, in ways that Steele had not 
specified, the material equipment proved itself inade- 
quate indeed. Much of the ammunition was worth- 
less.'" Nevertheless, Cooper stubbornly contested every 
inch of the ground and finally gave way only when 
large numbers of his Indians, knowing their guns to be 
absolutely useless to them, became disheartened and 
then demoralized. In confusion, they led the van in 

ville, Ark., July 8, 1863, Confederate Records, p. 133; Steele to Bfair, July 
10, 1863, Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 917; same to tame, July 13, 1863, 
ibid., 925]. 

810 See Blunt's official report, dated Juty 26, 1863 {ihid., part i, 447-448]. 

•11 Anderson, Life of General Stand Watie, 31. 

*i*With respect to the number of white troops engaged on the Federal 
side there seems some discrepancy between Blunt's report [Official Records^ 
vol. xxii, part i, 448] and Phisterer's statistics [Statistical Record, 145]. 

•1* See Cooper's report, dated August la, 1863 [Official Records, vol. xxii, 
part i, 457-461]. The following references are to letters that substantiate, 
in whole or in part, what Cooper said in condemnation of the ammunition; 
Duval to Du Bose, dated Camp Prairie Springs, C. N., July 27, 1863 [Con- 
federate Records, chap, a, no. 268, p. 159]; Steele to Blair^ dated Camp 
Imochiah, August 9, 1863 [ibid,, 185-187; Official Records, vol. xxii, part 
ii, 961]. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 289 

flight across the Canadian; but enough of those more 
self-contained went thither in an easterly or southeast- 
erly direction so as to create the impression among 
their enemies that they were retiring to meet the ex- 
pected reinforcements from Fort Smith."* 

But the reinforcements were yet far away. Indeed, 
it was not until all was over and a day too late that 
Cabell came up. A tragic sight confronted him; but 
his own march had been so dismal, so inauspicious that 
everything unfortunate that had happened seemed but 
a part of one huge catastrophe. He had come by the 
"old Pacific mail route, the bridges of which, in some 
places, were still standing in the uninhabited prai- 
ries."*" The forsaken land broke the morale of his 
men -they had never been enthusiastic in the cause, 
some of them were conscripted unionists, forsooth, 
and they deserted his ranks by the score, by whole com- 
panies. The remnant pushed on and, in the far dis- 
tance, heard the roaring of the cannon. Then, coming 
nearer, they caught a first glimpse of Blunt's victorious 
columns; but those columns were already retiring, it 
being their intention to recross to the Fort Gibson side 
of the Arkansas. "Moving over the open, rolling 
prairies,""* Nature's vast meadows, their numbers 
seemed great indeed and Cabell made no attempt ta 
pursue or to court further conflict. The near view of 
the battle-field dismayed**^ him; for its gruesome rec- 
ords all too surely told him of another Confederate 
defeat. 

814 Cooper intended to create such an impreMion [Official Records^ vol. 
xxii, part i, 460] and he did [Schofield to McNeil, July 26, 1863, ibid,^ part 
ii, 399-400]. 

•1' Confederate Military Historft vol. x, 199. 

8i6_/Wi., aco. 

8IT Cabell might well be dismayed. Steele had done his best to hurry 
him up. A letter of July 15 was particularly urgent {Official Records^ 
vol. nil, part ii, 933]. 



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290 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

In the fortunes of the Southern Indians, the Battle 
of Honey Springs was a decisive event. Fought and 
lost in the country of the Creeks, it was bound to have 
upon them a psychological effect disastrous to the steady 
maintenance of their alliance with the Confederacy, so 
also with the other great tribes ; but more of that anon. 
In a military way, it was no less significant than in a 
political ; for it was the beginning of a vigorously of- 
fensive campaign, conducted by General Blunt, that 
never ended until the Federals were in occupation of 
Fort Smith and Fort Smith was at the very door of the 
Choctaw country. No Indian tribe, at the outset of the 
war, had more completely gone over to the South than 
had the Choctaw. It had influenced the others but 
had already come to rue the day that had seen its own 
first defection. Furthermore, the date of the Confed- 
erate rout at Honey Springs marked the beginning of 
a period during which dissatisfaction with General 
Steele steadily crystallized. 

Within six weeks after the Battle of Honey Springs, 
the Federals were in possession of Fort Smith, which 
was not surprising considering the happenings of the 
intervening days. The miscalculations that had even- 
tuated in the routing of Cooper had brought Steele to 
the decision of taking the field in person ; for there was 
just a chance that he might succeed where his subordi- 
nates, with less at stake than he, had failed. Especially 
might he take his chances on winning if he could count 
upon help from Bankhead to whom he had again made 
application, nothing deterred by his previous ill-for- 
tune. 

It was not, by any means, Steele*s intention to attempt 
the reduction of Fort Gibson;"* for, with such artillery 

«i« Steele to Blair, July aa, 1863 [Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 
940-941]. 



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Indian Territory in 1 86 J 291 

as he had, the mere idea of such an undertaking would 
be preposterous. The defensive would have to be, for 
some time to come, his leading role ; but he did hope to 
be able to harry his enemy, somewhat, to entice him 
away from his fortifications and to make those forti- 
fications of little worth by cutting off his supplies. 
Another commissary train would be coming down from 
Fort Scott via Baxter Springs about the first of Au- 
gust."* For it, then, Steele would lie in wait. 

When all was in readiness, Fort Smith was vacated, 
not abandoned ; inasmuch as a regiment under Morgan 
of Cabell's brigade was left in charge, but it was re- 
linquished as department headquarters. Steele then 
took up his march for Cooper's old battle-ground on 
Elk Creek. There he planned to mass his forces and to 
challenge an attack. He went by way of Prairie 
Springs"® and lingered there a little while, then moved 
on to Honey Springs, where was better grazing.'" 
He felt obliged thus to make his stand in the Creek 
country; for the Creeks were getting fractious and it 
was essential for his purposes that they be mollified and 
held in check. Furthermore, it was incumbent upon 
him not to expose his "depots in the direction of 
Texas.""* 

As the summer days passed, Cabell and Cooper 
drew into his vicinity but no Bankhead, notwithstand- 
ing that Magruder had ordered him to hurry to Steele's 

*^* Steele to Bankhead, July aa, 1863 [Oficial Records, vol. xxli, part ii, 
940]. 

taoDuygi 10 A. S. Morgan, July i8, 1863 [ibid., 933]; Steele to Blair, 
July aa, 1863 [ibid., 940-941]. 

*>i Steele arrived at Prairie Springs on the twenty-fourth [Steele to 
Blair, July a6, 1863, ibid., 948] and moved to Honey Springs two days 
later [same to same, July a9, 1863, ibid., 950-951]. On August 7, his 
camp was at Soda Springs, whither he had gone "for convenience of water 
and grass** [same to same, August 7, 1863, ibid., 956]. 

m^Ibid., 951. 



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292 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

support/" Bankhcad had not the slightest idea of do- 
ing anything that would put Texas in jeopardy. In 
northern Texas sympathy for the Federal cause, or 
"rottenness" as the Confederates described it, was 
rife."* It would be suicidal to take the home force 
too far away. Moreover, it was Bankhead's firm con- 
viction that Steele would never be able to maintain 
himself so near to Fort Gibson, so he would continue 
where he was and decide what to do when time for real 
action came."* It would be hazarding a good deal to 
amalgamate his command,"* half of which would soon 
be well disciplined, with Steele's, which, in some of its 
parts, was known not to be. 

As a matter of fact, Steele's command was worse than 
undisciplined. It was permeated through and through 
with defection in its most virulent form, a predicament 
not wholly unforeseen. The Choctaws had pretty well 
dispersed, the Creeks were sullen, and Cabell's brigade 
of Arkansans was actually disintegrating. The pros- 
pect of fighting indefinitely in the Indian country had 
no attractions for men who were not in the Confederate 
service for pure love of the cause. Day by day deser- 
tions"^ took place until the number became alarming 
and, what was worse, in some cases, the oflScers were in 
collusion with the men in delinquency. Cabell himself 
was not above suspicion."* To prevent the spread of 

*>>By August third, Bankhead bad not been heard from at all [Steele 
to Blair, August 3, 1863, Official Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, 953]. The follow- 
ing communications throw some light upon Bankhead's movements [ibid.^ 

9481 95^1 963]. 

•** Crosby to G. M. Bryan, August 30, 1863, ibid,^ 984. 

*** Bankhead to £. P. Turner, August 13, 1863, ibid,, 965-966. 

**^ Bankhead to Boggs, August 10, 1863, ibid,, 966. 

**T There is an abundance of material in the Confederate Records on the 
subject of desertions in the West. Note particularly pp. 167, 168, 173-174, 
193-193, 198, 204-205 of chap. 2, no. 268. Note, also. Official Records, vol. 
xxii, part ii, 956. ^ 

828 Duval to Cabell, August 17, 1863, Official Records, vol. xzii, part ii, 
969-970. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 293 

contagion among the Indians, his troops were moved to 
more and more isolated camps"* across the Canadian"® 
and, finally, back in the direction of Fort Smith. Os- 
tensibly they were moved to the Arkansas line to pro- 
tect Fort Smith; for Steele knew well that his present 
hold upon that place was of the frailest. It might be 
threatened at any moment from the direction of Cass- 
ville and Morgan had been instructed, in the event of 
an attack in prospect, to cross the boundary line and 
proceed along the Boggy road towards Riddle's sta- 
tion."" Steele was evidently not going to make any 
desperate effort to hold the place that for so long had 
been the seat of the Confederate control over the South- 
ern Indians. 

All this time, General Blunt had been patrolling the 
Arkansas for some thirty miles or so of its course"* and 
had been thoroughly well aware of the assembling of 
Steele's forces, likewise of the disaffection of the In- 
dians, with which, by the way, he had had quite a little 
to do. Not knowing exactly what Steele's intentions 
might be but surmising that he was meditating an at- 
tack, he resolved to assume the offensive himself."* 
The full significance of his resolution can be fully ap- 
preciated only by the noting of the fact that, subsequent 
to the Battle of Honey Springs, he had been instructed 
by General Schofield, his superior oflScer, not only not 
to advance but to fall back. To obey the order was in- 
conceivable and Blunt had deliberately disobeyed it."* 
It was now his determination to do more. Fortunately, 
Schofield had recently changed his mind; for word had 

•*» Confidirate Military History, vol. x, 20a. 

**® Steele to Scott, August 7, 1863, Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 957. 

•>^ Steele to Morgan, August, 1863, ibid., 951 ; August 8, 1863, ibid,, 957. 

*>> Steele to Blair, August 7, 1863, <^<^> 95^* 

»«« Blunt to Schofield, July 30, 1863, ibid,, 411. 

s*^ Blunt to Lincoln, September 34, 1863, ibid,, vol. liii, supplement, 572. 



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294 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



come to him that Congress had decided to relieve Kan- 
sas of her Indian encumbrance by compassing the re- 
moval of all her tribes, indigenous and immigrant, to 
Indian Territory. It mattered not that the former had 
a title to their present holdings by ancient occupation 
and long continued possession and the latter a title in 
perpetuity, guaranteed by the treaty-making power un- 
der the United States constitution. All the tribes were 
to be ousted from the soil of the state that had been 
saved to freedom; but it would be first necessary to se- 
cure the Indian Territory and the men of the Kansas 
tribes were to be organized as soldiers to secure it. It 
is difficult to imagine a more ironical proceeding. The 
Indians were to be induced to fight for the recovery 
of a section of the country that would make possible 
their own banishment Blunt strenuously objected, not 
because he was averse to ridding Kansas of the Indians, 
but because he had no faith in an Indian soldiery. Said 
he, 

There are several reasons why I do not think such a policy 
practicable or advisable. It would take several months under 
the most favorable circumstances to organize and put into the 
field the Indians referred to» even were they ready and willing 
to enlist, of which fact I am not advised, but presume they 
would be very slow to enlist ; besides my experience thus far with 
Indian soldiers has convinced me that they are of little service 
to the Government compared with other soldiers. The Chero- 
kees, who are far superior in every respect to the Kansas In- 
dians, did very good service while they had a specific object in 
view -the possession and occupation of their own country; 
having accomplished that, they have become greatly demoral- 
ized and nearly worthless as troops. I would earnestly recom- 
mend that (as the best policy the Government can pursue with 
these Indian regiments) they be mustered out of service some 
time during the coming winter, and put to work raising their 
subsistence, with a few white troops stationed among them for 
their protection. 



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Indian Territory in l86j 295 

I would not exchange one regiment of negro troops for ten 
regiments of Indians, and they can be obtained in abundance 
whenever Texas is reached. 

In ten days from this date, if I have the success I expect, 
the Indian Territory south of the Arkansas River will be in 
our possession. . .•■• 

Blunt's mind was made up. He was determined to 
go forward with the force he already had. Ill-health ••* 
retarded his movements a trifle; but on the twenty-sec- 
ond of August, two days after the massacre by guerrillas 
had occurred at Lawrence, he crossed the Arkansas. 
He was at length accepting General Steele's challenge 
but poor Steele was quite unprepared for a duel of any 
sort. If. Blunt distrusted the Indians, how very much 
more did he and with greater reason I With insufficient 
guns and ammunition, with no troops, white or red, up- 
on whom he could confidently rely, and with no cer- 
tainty of help from any quarter, he was compelled to 
adopt a Fabian policy, and he moved slowly backward, 
inviting yet never stopping to accept a full and regular 
engagement. Out of the Creek country he went and 
into the Choctaw.*" At Perryville, on the road"' to 

*M Blunt to Schofield, Augutt n, 1863, Oficiai Records, vol. zxii, part ii^ 
465. 

^^ — Ibid; 466. There seemt to have been a good deal of sickness at 
Fort Gibson and some mortality, of which report was duljr made to Steele 
libid., 956 ; ConfediraU Ricords, chap, a, no. 368, pp. 193-193]. 

*>^ Steele had crossed the line between the Creeks and Choctaws, how- 
ever, before Blunt crossed the Arkansas. On August sixteenth, he had hit 
camp on Longtown Creek and was sending a detachment out as far south 
as within about ten miles of Boggy Depot [Official Records, vol. xxii, part 
ii, 968]. A few days later, he made his camp on Brooken Creek, a little 
to the eastward [ibid., 973]. By that time, Steele was evidently quite rec- 
onciled to the thought that Fort Smith might at any moment be attacked and, 
perhaps, in such force that it would be needless to attempt to defend it 
Cabell was to move to a safe distance, in the neighborhood of Scullyville, 
from whence, should there be reasonable prospect of success, he might send 
out reinforcements. In the event of almost certain failure, he was to draw 
off betimes in the direction of Riddle's station, where flour was stored 
[ibU.I. 

***On the subject of roads and highways in Indian Territory, see ibid,. 



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296 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Texas, his men did have a small skiraiish with Blunt's 
and at both Perryville and North Fork, Blunt destroyed 
some of his stores."* At North Fork, Steele had es- 
tablished a general hospital, which now passed from his 
control. 

Following the unsuccessful skirmish at Perryville, 
the evening of August 25, Steele was "pushed rapidly 
down the country," "* so observed the wary Bankhead 
to whom fresh orders to assist Steele had been com- 
municated.*" Boggy Depot to the Texan commander 
seemed the proper place to defend*" and near there he 
now waited ; but Steele on East Boggy, full sixty miles 
from Red River and from comparative safety, begged 
him to come forward to Middle Boggy, a battle was 
surely impending.*** No battle occurred, notwithstand- 
ing; for Blunt had given up the pursuit. He had 
come to know that not all of Steele's command was 
ahead of him,*" that Mcintosh with the Creeks had 
gone west within the Creek country, the Creeks having 
refused to leave it,*** and that Cabell had gone east, 

vol. zzxiv, part ii, 859; vol. xli, part ii, 997; Sheridan, Memoirs, vol. ii, 
S40. 

**' Blunt to Schofield, Auguit 37, 1863, Oficiai Records^ vol. xxii, part 
^ 597-598; Steele to Snead, September 8, 1863, Confidirati Records, chap. 
3» no. a68, p. 223. 

^^ Official Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, 983. 

*^^ W. T. Carrington to Bankhead, August aa, 1863, ibid^ 975. 

^* Bankhead to Turner, August 13, 1863, ibid., 977. Near Boggy Depot, 
"the Fort Gibson and Port Smith roads" forked. At Boggy Depot, more- 
over, were "all the stores of the Indian Department" With Boggy Depot 
in the hands of the enemy, Bankhead's whole front would be uncovered 
[Bankhead to Turner August ao, 1863, ibid,, 973]. 

*^> Duval to Bankhead and other commanders, August 37, 1863, ibid,, 
981. 

*^^ Blunt to Schofield, August 37, 1863, ibid,, part i, 597. He thought, 
however, that Stand Wade was with Steele but he was not. He wu 
absent on a scout [Steele to Bbggs, August 30, 1863, ibid,^ part ii, 984]. 

*^B Steele to Snead, September 11, 1863, ibid,, part ii, 1013. 



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Indian Territory in l86j 297 

towards Fort Smith."' It was Fort Smith that now 
engaged Blunt's attention and thither he directed his 
steps, Colonel W. F. Cloud "^ of the Second Kansas 
Cavalry, who, acting under orders from General Mc- 
Neil,"' had cooperated with him at Perryville, being 
sent on in advance. Fort Smith surrendered with ease, 
not a blow being struck in her defence;"* but there was 
Cabell yet to be dealt with, 

Steele^s conduct, his adoption of the Fabian policy, 
severely criticized in some quarters, in Indian Terri- 
tory, in Arkansas, in Texas, had yet been condoned and, 
indeed, approved "* by General Kirby Smith, the per- 

^^Cabeirs brigade, at already indicated, had had to be sent back "to 
avoid the contagion of demoralizatioo" [Official Rgcords, vol. zxii, part ii, 
983; Steele to Snead, September ii, 1863, ibid,, loia]. 

*«^ Cloud had arrived at Fort Gibson, August 21 [Cloud to McNeil, 
August 32, 1863, ibid., 466]. 

^^^Joho McNeil was commanding the District of Southwestern Missouri. 
The orders originated with Schofield {ibid,, part i, 15]. 

B^' Cabell had taken a position on the Poteau. Steele had been much 
averse to his running the risk of having himself shut up in Fort Smith 
[Steele to Cabell, September i, 1863, ibid,, part ii, 987]. 

S60(«xhe general commanding is satisfied that the Fabian policy is 
the true one to adopt when not well satisfied that circumstances warrant a 
different course. . ." [G. M. Bryan to Steele, September 8, 1863, ibid,, 
999]. Smith believed in "abandoning a part to save the whole" [Letter to 
General R. Taylor, September 3, 1863, ibid,, 989]; but President Davis and 
men of the states interested had impressed it upon him that that would 
never do. It must have been with some idea of justifying Steele's pro- 
cedure in mind that Smith wrote to Stand Watie, September 8th {ibid,, 
999-zooo]. Wade had lodged a complaint with him, August 9th, against 
the Confederate subordination of the Indian interests. To that Smith replied 
in words that must have made a powerful appeal to the Cherokee chief, who 
had already, in fact on the selfsame day that he wrote to Smith, made an 
equally powerful one to his own tribe and to other tribes. Watie's appeal 
will be taken up later, the noble sounding part of Smith's may as well find 
a place for quotation here. 

"I know that your people have cause for complaint Their sufferings 
and the apparent ill-faith of our Government would naturally produce dissat- 
isfaction. That your patriotic band of followers deserve the thanks of our 
Government I know. They have won the respect and esteem of our people 



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298 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

son most competent to judge fairly; because he pos- 
sessed a full comprehension of the situation in Steele's 
command. Smith knew and others might have known 
that the situation had been largely created by envy, 
hatred, and malice, by corruption in high places, by 
peculation in low, by desertions in white regiments and 
by defection in Indian. 

The Confederate government was not unaware of 
the increasing dissatisfaction among its Indian allies. 
It had innumerable sources of information, the chief 
of which and, perhaps, not the most reliable or the least 
factional, were the tribal delegates •" in Congress. Late 

by their steadfast loyalty and heroic bravery. Tell them to remain true; 
encourage them in their despondency; bid them struggle on through the dark 
gloom which now envelops our affairs, and bid them remember the insur- 
mountable difficulties with which our Government has been surrounded; that 
she hat never been untrue to her engagements, though some of her agents 
may have been remiss and even criminally negligent Our cause is the 
tame -a Just and holy one; we must stand and struggle on together, till 
that just and good Providence, who always supports the right, crowns our 
efforts with success. I can make you no definite promises. I have your 
interest at heart, and will endeavor faithfully and honestly to support you 
in your efforts and in those of your people to redeem their homes from an 
oppressor's rule. . . 

"What might have been done and has not is wsth the past; it is 
needless to comment upon it, and I can only assure you that I feel the im- 
portance of your country to our cause. . ." 

That Smith was no more sincere than other white men had been, when 
addressing Indians, goes almost without saying. It was necessary to pacify 
Stand Watie and promises would no longer suffice. Candor was a better meant 
to the end sought Had Smith only not so very recently had his interview 
with the governors of the southwestern states, his tone might not have been 
so conciliatofy. In anticipation of that interview and in advance of it, for 
it might come too late, some Arkansans, with R. W. Johnson among them, 
had impressed it upon Governor Planagin that both Arkansas and Indian 
Territory were necessary to the Confederacy. In their communication, ap- 
peared these fatal admissions, fatal to any claim of disinterestedness: 

"Negro slavery exists in the Indian Territory, and is profitable and 
desirable there, affording a practical issue of the right of expansion, for 
which the war began . . ." [July 25, 1863, Official Ricords, vol xxii^ 
part ii, hs]. 

M^Only two of the tribes, entitled to a delegate in the Confederate 
Congress, seem to have availed themselves of the privilege in 1863, the 



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Indian Territory in 1 863 299 

in May, Commissioner Scott"* set out upon a tour of 
inspection, similar to the one he had made during the 
days of the Pike regime. On his way through Ar- 
kansas, he stopped at Little Rock to consult with Gen- 
eral Holmes and to get his bearings before venturing 
again among the tribes ; but Holmes was ill, too ill to 
attend to business,**' and no interview with him was 
likely to be deemed advisable for some time to come. 
Scott had, therefore, to resume his journey without in- 
structions or advice from the district commander, not 
regrettable from some points of view since it enabled 

Cherokee and the Choctaw, which may account for the persistence with 
which, in one form or another, a measure for filling vacancies in the Indian 
representation came up for discussion or for reference [See Journal, vols, 
iii, vi]. It became law in January, 1864 [ibid,, vol. iii, 531]. A companion 
measure, for the regulation of Indian elections, had a like bearing. It 
became law earlier, in May, 1863 [ibid^ 420, vi, 459]. In the Official Records^ 
fourth ser. vol iii, 1189, footnote 0, the statement it made that the name 
of Elias C. Boudinot appeared first on the roll, January 8, 1864; but it 
must be erroneous, since Boudinot, as the delegate from the Cherokee Nation, 
was very active in Congp-ess all through the year 1863. His colleague from 
the Choctaw Nation was Robert M. Jones. On December 10, when Indian 
affairs had become exceedingly critical. Representative Hanly moved that 
one of the Indian delegates should be requested to attend the sessions of 
the Committee on Indian Affairs {Journal^ vol. vi, 530). This proposition 
eventually developed into something very much more important, 
"Resolved, First, That each Delegate from the several Indian nations with 
whom treaties have been made and concluded by the Confederate States 
of America shall have and be entitled to a seat upon the floor of this House, 
may propose and introduce measures being for the benefit of his particular 
nation, and be heard in respect and regard thereto, or other matters in 
which his nation may be particularly interested. 

"Second. That, furthermore, it shall be the duty of the Speaker of this 
House to appoint one Delegate from one of the Indian nations upon the 
Committee on Indian Affairs, and the Delegate so appointed shall have and 
possess all the rights and privileges of other members of such committee, 
except the right to vote on questions pending before such conamittee"- 
Joumal, vol. vi, 529. The Speaker appointed Boudinot to the position thus 
created. 

*(^*In February, upon the nomination of President Davis and the rec- 
ommendation of Secretary Seddon, Scott had been appointed to the position 
of full commissioner [ibid,, vol. iii, 69]. 

*** During the illness of Holmes, which was protracted. Price commanded 
in the District of Arkansas. 



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300 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

him to approach his difficult and delicate task with an 
open mind and with no preconceived notions derived 
from Holmes's prejudices. 

Scott entered the Indian Territory in July and was at 
once beset with complaints and solicitations, individual 
and tribal. On his own account, he made not a few 
discoveries. On the eighth of August he reported ••^ to 
Holmes upon things that have already been considered 
here, defective powder, deficient artillery, and the like; 
but not a word did he say about the Cooper"* and 
Boudinot intrigues. It was too early to commit him- 
self on matters so personal and yet so fundamental. The 
Indians were not so reticent The evil influence that 
Cooper had over them, due largely to the fact that he 
professed himself to be interested in Indian Territory 
to the exclusion of all other parts of the country, was 
beginning to find expression in various communications 
to President Davis and others in authority. Just how 
far Stand Watie was privy to Cooper's schemes and in 
sympathy with them, it is impossible to say. Boudinot 
was Cooper's able coadjutor, fellow conspirator, while 
Boudinot and Watie were relatives and friends. 

Watie's energies, especially his intellectual, were ap- 
parently being exerted in directions far removed from 
the realm of selfish and petty intrigue. He was a man 
of vision, of deep penetration likewise, and he was a 
patriot. Personal ambition was not his besetting sin. 
If he had only had real military ability and the quali- 
ties that make for discipline and for genuine leadership 

^^^Ofidai Ricords, vol. xxii, part ii, 1097. / 

sftB On August 14, Cooper complained to Smith that Steele had been given 
the place that rightfully should have been his [ibid,, 987]. Smith looked into 
the matter and made his reply, strictly non-partisan, September ist [ibid,, 
1037]. The authorities at Richmond declared against Cooper's claims and 
pretensions, yet, in no wise, did he abandon them. 



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Indian Territory in l86j 301 

among men, he might have accomplished great things 
for Indian Territory and for the Confederacy. Almost 
simultaneously with the forwarding of Scott's first re- 
port to Holmes, he personally made reports "• and is- 
sued appeals,**^ some of which, because of their grasp, 
because of their earnestness, and because of their spirit 
of noble self-reliance, call for very special mention. 
Watie's purpose in making and in issuing them was 
evidently nothing more and nothing less than to dispel 
despondency and to arouse to action. 

Watie's appeal may have had the effect designed but 
it was an effect doomed to be counteracted almost at 
once. Blunt's offensive had more of menace to the 
Creeks and their southern neighbors than had Steele's 
defensive of hope. The amnesty to deserters,'" that 
issued under authority from Richmond on the twenty- 
sixth of August, even though conditional upon a return 
to duty, was a confession of weakness and it availed little 
when the Choctaws protested against the failure to sup- 
ply them with arms and ammunition, proper in quality 
and quantity, for Smith to tell them that such things, 
intended to meet treaty requirements but diverted, had 
been lost in the fall of Vicksburg."* Had not white 
men been always singularly adept at making excuses for 
breaking their promises to red? 

In September, when everything seemed very dark for 
the Confederacy on the southwestern front, desperate 
efforts were made to rally anew the Indians. Pro- 

^^"Watie't report to Scott, August 8, 1863 [Offieial Records^ vol. zxii, 
part ii, izo4-iio5] was full of very just criticism, but not at all factional. 

^B^The appeal to the Creeks, through their governor, is to be found 10 
Official Records t vol. xxii, part ii, 1105-1106, and that to the Choctaws and 
Chickasaws, ibid., 1106-1107. 

868_/^,V., 98a 

**' Smith to Principal Chief, Choctaw Nation, August 13, 1863, ibid,^ 
967; Bryan to Hon. R. M. Jones, September 19, 1863, ibid,, loai. 



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302 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

posals ••^ from Blunt were known to have reached both 
the Creeks and the Choctaws and were being consider- 
ed, by the one, more or less secretly and, by the other, 
in open council. Israel G. Vore,"* who had become 
the agent of the Creeks and whose influence was con- 
siderable, was called upon to neutralize the Federal 
advances. In a more oflicial way. Commissioner Scott 
worked with the Choctaws, among whom there was 
still a strong element loyal to the Confederacy, loyal 
enough, at all events, to recruit for a new regiment to 
fight in its cause. 

Nothing was more likely to bring reassurance to the 
Indians than military activity; but military activity of 
any account was obviously out of the question unless 
some combination of commands could be devised, such 
a combination, for example, as Magruder had in mind 
when he proposed that the forces of Steele, Cooper, 
Bankhead, and Cabell should cooperate to recover 
Forts Smith and Gibson, something more easily said 
than done. It was no sooner said than brigade trans- 
fers rendered it quite impracticable, Cabell and Bank- 
head both being needed to give support to Price. In 
charge now of the Northern Sub-district of Texas was 
Henry E. McCulloch. From him Steele felt he had a 
right to expect cooperation, since their commands were 

•••Steele to Snead, September ii, 1863, Official Rgcords, vol. xxii, part 
ii, 1013; Bankhead to Steele, September 15, 1863, ibid., 1016. 

••^In the spring of 1863, Vore was engaged in disbursing funds, more 
particularly, in paying the Indian troops [Steele to Anderson, April 17, 
1863, Confidirate Records, chap, a, no. zjo, pp. 197-198]. In November, 
1862, the Creeks had requested that Yore be made their agent and the ap- 
pointment was conferred upon him the following May [Scott to Seddon, 
December la, 1863, Official Records, vol. zxii, part ii, X095]. The Creeks 
were inclined to be displeased at the delay, especially as they later had no 
reason to regret their choice [Moty Kanard to Davis, August 17, 1863. ibid,, 
XX07]. It was Cooper, apparently, who suggested sending up Vore to have 
him work upon the Creeks [ibid,, xooo]. 



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Indian Territory in 1863 303 



territorially in conjunction, and to consult with him he 
journeyed to Bonham.'** 

Viewed in the light of subsequent events, the journey 
was productive of more evil than good. With Steele 
absent, the command in Indian Territory devolved up- 
on Cooper ••• and Cooper employed the occasion to in- 
gratiate himself with the Indians, to increase his influ- 
ence with them, and to undermine the man who he still 
insisted had supplanted him. When Steele returned 
from Texas he noticed very evident signs of insubor- 
dination. There were times when he found it almost 
impossible to locate Cooper within the limits of the 
command or to keep in touch with him. Cooper was 
displaying great activity, was making plans to recover 
Fort Smith, and conducting himself generally in a very 
independent way. October had, however, brought a 
change in the status of Fort Smith ; for General Smith 
had completely detached the commands of Indian Ter- 
ritory and Arkansas from each other.*** It was not to 
Holmes that Steele reported thenceforth but to Smith 
direct. Taken in connection with the need that soon 
arose, on account of the chaos in northern Texas, for 
McCulloch*** to become absorbed in home affairs, the 

^* His destination was apparently to be Shreveport, the department head- 
quarters [Crosby to Bankhead, September 23, 1863. Confederate Records, 
chap, a, no. a68. p. 251]. 

*** Cooper's headquarters, in the interval, were to be at Fort Washita 
[jihidJ], where a company of Bass's regiment had been placed in garrison 
[Duyal to Cooper, July 15, 1863, ihid^ p. 145]. 

^^ Official Records^ vol. xxii, part ii, 1045. 

^"'McCulloch was being greatly embarrassed by the rapid spread of 
unionist sentiment and by desertions from his army. The expedient of fur- 
loughing was restorted to. To his credit, be it said, that no embarrassments, 
no dawning of the idea that he was fighting in a failing cause, could make 
him forget the ordinary dictates of humanity. His scornful repudiation of 
Quantrill and his methods was characteristic of the man. For that repudia- 
tion, see, particularly, McCulloch to Turner, October 33, 1863, ihid,^ vol. 
zzvL part ii, 348. 



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304 The Indi an as Participant in the Civil War 

separation from Arkansas left Indian Territory strand- 
ed. 

Fort Smith, moreover, was about to become Slant's 
headquarters and it was while he was engaged in trans- 
ferring his effects from Fort Scott to that place that 
the massacre of Baxter Springs occurred, Blunt arriv- 
ing upon the scene too late to prevent the murderous 
surprise having its full effect The Baxter Springs 
massacre was another guerrilla outrage, perpetrated 
by Quantrill and his band*^ who, their bloody work 
accomplished at the Federal outpost, passed on down 
through the Cherokee Nation, killing outright what- 
ever Indians or negroes they fell in with. It was their 
boast that they never burdened themselves with pris- 
oners. The gang crossed the Arkansas about eighteen 
miles above Fort Gibson ••^ and arrived at Cooper's 
camp on the Canadian, October twelfth.*" 

Scarcely had Blunt established his headquarters at 
Fort Smith, when political influences long hostile to 
him, Schofield at their head,*" had accumulated force 

M« Quantrill't bold dath from the Mittoari to the Canaditn had beeo 
projected in a spirit of bravado, deriltry, and downright tavagery, and had 
undoubtedly been incited by the execution of Ewing't notorious order, Number 
Eliven [OficUi Records, voL zxii, part ii, 473]. That order, at modified by 
Sdiofield, had authorized the depopulating of those counties of Missouri, 
Jackson, Cass, Bates, and a part of Vernon, where die guerrillas were be- 
lieved to have their chief recruiting stations and where secessionist feeling 
had ahrajTs been dominant It wu at once retaliatory and precautionary 
and on a par with the instructions for the removal of the Acadians on the 
eve of the breaking out of the French and Indian War. The banished Mis- 
sourians have, however, as yet found no Longfellow to sentimentalize over 
them or to idealize, in a story of Evangeline, their misfortunes and their 
character. History has been spared the consequent and inevitable distortion. 

••^Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. li, 224. 

8«s Quantrill to Price, October 13, 1863, Oficial Records, vol. xzii, part i, 
700-701. 

^'^In the matter of domestic politics in Kansas, particularly as they were 
shaped by the cccitement over the guerrilla outrages, Schofield belonged to 
the party of Moderates, "Paw Paws" as its members were called in derision. 



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Indian Territory in l86j 305 

sufficient to cflfcct his removal. He was relieved, un- 
der Schofield^s orders of October 19, and Brigadier- 
general John McNeil then assumed command of the 
District of the Frontier."* Colonel Phillips continued 
in charge at Fort Gibson,*" his presence being some- 
what of a reassurance to the Cherokees, who, appreciat- 
ing Blunt's energetic administration, regretted his re- 
call.*" 

Had the Federal Cherokees been authoritatively ap- 
prised of the real situation in the Indian Territory far- 
ther south, they need never have been anxious as to the 
safety of Fort Gibson. Steele's situation was peculiar- 
ly complex. As private personage and as commander 
he elicits commiseration. Small and incapable was his 
force,*" intriguing and intractable were his subordi- 

and Blunt, like Lane, Wilder, and others, to that of the Extremists, or Rad" 
teals. Of the Extreinisti the "Red Legs" were the active wing, those who 
indulged in retaliatory and provocative outrages. Schofield's animosity 
against Blunt, to some extent richly deserved, amounted almost to a perse- 
cution. He instituted an investigation of the District of the Frontier and 
it was upon the basis of the findings of the committee of investigation that 
he ordered Blunt's retirement [Schofield to Townsend, October 3, 1863, 
Official Records^ vol. xzii, part ii, 595-597; Blunt to Curtis, November 30, 
1864, ibid,^ vol. xli, part iv, 727-729]. For evidence of continued animosity 
see the correspondence of Champion Vaughan, ibid,^ vol. xxii, part ii, 738, 

74*- 

"^<^ Official Records, vol. xxii, part ii, 666. 

B^^ For the condition and movements of the Indian Brigade from No- 
vember 20, 1863, to December 20^ 1863, see Daily Conservative, January 3, 
1864. 

*^'The resolutions, commendatory of his work, to which Blunt refers in 
his letter to Curtis of November 30, were passed by the Cherokee National 
Council, October 20, 1863. The text of them is to be found, as also Chief 
Christie's letter of transmittal, in Official Records, vol. xxxiv, part ii, 790-791. 

*^* Steele reported that on October first he had "Seminoles, 106; Chick- 
asaws, 208; Creeks, 305; Choctaws, 1,024; Choctaw militia, 200, and whites^ 
999" [Official Records, vol. xxii, part \, 34]. Concerning the condition of his 
entire command, the best understanding can be obtained from the inspectioD 
report of Smith's assistant inspector-general, W. C. Schaumburg, [ibid,, part 
ii, 1049-1053], October 26, 1863. Schaumburg exhibits conditions as simply 
deplorable, Indians poorly mounted, ignorant of drill, destitute of suitable 



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3o6 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

nates. Of the white force Magruder"* was doing his 
utmost to deprive him, and of the Indian Steele found 
it next to impossible to keep account. Insignificant as 
it was, it was yet scattered here, there, and every- 
where,*" Cooper conniving at its desultory dispersion. 
Instead of strengthening his superior's hands, Cooper 
was, in fact, steadily weakening them and all for his 
own advancement. He disparaged Steele's work, dis- 
credited it with the Indians,*" and, whenever possible, 
allowed a false construction to be put upon his acts. 
In connection with the movements of the white troops, 
is a case in point to be found. Rumor had it that 
Bankhead's brigade, now Gano's,*" was to be called 
away for coast defence. Cooper knew perfectly well 
that such was not Steele's intention and yet he suffered 

arms; posts dilapidated; and prominent tribesmen, like Colonel Tandy 
Walker, indulging in petty graft, drawing government rations for members 
of their families and for their negro slaves. McCulloch was also of the 
opinion that conditions in Indian Territory were pretty bad [Oficial Records^ 
vol. xxli, part i, 1065], and that the red men were absolutely unreliable 
[ibid.^ vol. xxvi, part ii, 378]. 

S74 por Magruder's insolent and overbearing attitude towards Steele, see 
his correspondence in ihid,, part ii. Magruder wanted Indian Territory 
attached to the District of Texas [p. 395] and was much disgusted that 
Gano*s brigade was beyond his reach; inasmuch as Smith himself had 
placed it in Indian Territory and Steele could retain it there if he so 
pleased [pp. 349, 369. 37«]- 

*^<^ Official Records ^ vol. zxii, part ii, 1063, 1065, 1076, 1109. 

*^* Cooper's influence was greatest with the Choctaws and Chickasaws. 
The Choctaw wavering of which there were numerous signs [ibid,^ 1019, 
1024]* ^ disposition of the Choctaw Council towards neutrality [ibid.^ 1042, 
1046], which Scott was called upon to check [ibid^ 1030-103 1], and the 
Choctaw complaint about the absence or inadequacy of arms [ibid.^ loai] 
were all made the most of, in order to accentuate Steele's incapacity for his 
task. October 7, the Chickasaw Legislature petitioned for the elevation of 
Cooper to the full command in Indian Territory [ibid^ 1123-1134]. It was, 
of course, a covert attack upon Steele. 

*^^ Dissatisfaction with Bankhead on the part of his men had been the 
chief cause of the transfer to Richard M. Gano. Steele had a good deal of 
trouble with Gano's brigade as also with Bass's regiment [See Confederate 
Records^ chap, a, nos. a67, a68]. 



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Indian Territory in l86j 307 

the Indians to believe that it was; in order that they 
might with impunity charge Steele with having vio- 
lated their treaty pledges."* To nothing did they hold 
so rigidly as to the promise that white troops were al- 
ways to support Indian. 

In the role of Indian superintendent ex officio, Steele 
had no fewer difficulties and perplexities than in that 
of military chief. The feeding of indigents was a 
problem not easily solved, if solvable. In the absence 
of legislative provision, Hindman had instituted the 
questionable practice of furnishing relief to civilians 
at the cost of the army commissary and no other course 
had ever been deemed expedient by his successors. In 
July, 1863, Steele had ordered '^^ practically all dis- 
tribution agencies to be abolished, his reason being that 
only refugees,**® Indians out of their own country, 
ought, in the season of ripened and ripening crops, to 
need subsistence and such subsistence, being limited in 
amount and derived altogether from the army supply, 
could be most economically handled by the regular 
commissaries. As winter approached and the necessity 
for feeding on a large scale became again pronounced, 

*^B Oficial Records^ vol. zxii, part ii, 1063-1064, 1064-1065. 

8T9 «i un instructed by the Gen. Corn's to direct that you issue an order 
abolishing all agencies in the Indian country for feeding Indigents.' 

'^t is thought that the crops now coming in will be sufficient to support 
these people without any further drain upon Govt supplies. 

''What little issues are absolutely necessary will be made by post com- 
missaries." - Duval to Lee, July i, 1863, Confederati Records^ chap, a, no. 
a6S, p. 119. 

sso «i beg leave to reconmiend to your favorable consideration the accom* 
panying letter from the Hon. £. C. Boudinot The necessity of feeding not 
only the refugees, but to some extent during the winter the other Indians, 
has been recognized by all commanders, the drouth of last year having cut 
the crops very short As the crops are now maturing I have in a great 
measure discontinued the issue except to refugee Cherokees and Osages, both 
of whom are out of their own country. . ."-Steele to Smith, July 13, 
1863, ibid,^ pp. 142-143. 



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3o8 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

he was disposed to keep the whole matter still under 
army regulations so as to "avoid increasing competi- 
tion."*" The army exchequer could be subsequently 
reimbursed when specific appropriations for Indians 
should be made. Supplies of clothing had naturally 
to be otherwise provided for and for those he con- 
tracted"* in northern Texas. Steele's whole policy 
with regard to the indigents was subjected to the sever- 
est criticism ;••• for it was based upon the idea that to 
be forewarned is to be forearmed. Disappointed spec- 
ulators and grafters were chief among his critics and, 
in spite of all his precautions, they outwitted him. 
Peculation appeared on every hand, white sharpers 
abounded, and Indians, relatively affluent, subsisted at 
government expense. 

Another source of embarrassment was developed by 
the application of war measures, primarily intended 
for the states only, to the Indian country. Indian 
property was impressed"* as occasion arose. Very 

••* Steele to Scott, August 7, 1863, Confiderati Records^ pp. 179-180. 

M* Steele to Bryan, November 9, 1863, Confederate Records^ chap, a, no. 
267, p. 31. The Reserve Indians had all along been fed by contract [Steele 
to Scott, August 7, 1863, ibid,^ no. 368, pp. 179-180]. In the fall, Steele re- 
newed the contract with Johnson and Grimes [Steele to S. A. Roberts, No- 
vember 15, 1863, ibid,^ no. 367, p. 37] and detailed men from his command, 
from Martin's regiment, to assist in its execution [Steele to McCuUoch, No- 
vember 33, 1863, ibid^ p. 41]. 

*"'The Creeks were particularly dissatisfied. They claimed that food 
and raiment had been promised them, but the source of the promises Steele 
was powerless to determine [Steele to Vore, November 30^ 1863, ibid,, p. 39]. 
Indian soldiers on leave seemed to expect their usual allowances and Cooper, 
although disclaiming that he had any desire to "pander to the prejudices" 
of the natives, was always to be found on their side in any contention with 
Steele. To all appearances, the Indians had Cooper's support, in demanding 
all the privileges and profits of regular troops and '*all the latitude of 
it regular, or partisan" [Steele to Cooper, November 34, 1863, ibid,, pp. 44^ 

4S]. 

**^ Concerning the request of Steele that cotton and teams be ordered 
exempt from impressment, see Steele to Bryan, November 9, 1863. Confedef' 
ate Records, chap. 3, no. 367, p. 31. The Choctaws had considerable cotton 
and the question was what was to be done with it in case of an advance of 



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Indian Territory in 1863 309 

frequently was this the case in the matter of transporta- 
tion facilities, in that also of negro labor. It was 
Steele's opinion that the impressment law and the grain 
tithe law were not operative as against the Indians*" 
but his necessities forced the practice, and execution by 
the army, under his orders, only intensified Indian op- 
position to him. 

Indian opposition to Steele in tangible form took 
two directions, one of which, the advancement of 
Douglas H. Cooper, has already been frequently re- 
ferred to. The other was the advancement of Stand 
Watie. During the summer, Stand Watie, as chief of 
the Confederate Cherokees, had authorized the forma- 
tion of a Cherokee brigade,"* the object being, the dis- 
lodgment of the Federals from Fort Gibson and their 
consequent retirement from the Cherokee country. The 
brigade had not materialized; but all Stand Watie's 
subsequent efforts were directed towards the accom- 
plishment of its patriotic object. Love of country best 
explains his whole military endeavor. The enemy in 
the Cherokee country he harassed, the enemy else- 
where, he left for others to deal with. Generally 
speaking, in consequence, the autumn months of 1863 
found Watie hovering around the Arkansas, the Cher- 
okees and their neighbors with him, while Cooper, al- 
most equally particularistic because the Choctaws and 
Chickasaws were his main support, concerned himself 
with plans for the recovery of Fort Smith. 

the enemy. Was it to be burnt and the owners were they to be indenanified 
[Steele to Anderson, December 9, 1863, Confederate Records, p. 68] ? Steele 
peremptorily forbade confiscation of Indian property and discouraged any 
interference 'Vith the duties of agents, or with the National Council or gov- 
ernment of the tribes" [Steele to Captain J. L. Randolph, enrolling officer, 
July 7, 1863, ibid., no. 268, p. 132]. 

*** Crosby to A. S. Cabell, October 6, 1863, ihid^ no. 267, p. a. 

^^^Oficial Records, vol. zzii, part ii, 1103. 



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310 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

The fervid patriotism of one leader and the over- 
weening personal ambition of the other divided the 
Indians, then, into two camps and it was but natural 
that the idea should soon evolve that Indian interests 
could be best subserved by the formation of two dis- 
tinct Indian brigades. To this idea General Smith, 
when appealed to, subscribed ; ••^ but General Steele 
was dubious about the propriety of putting Stand 
Watic in charge of one of the brigades. "He appears 
to exercise," said Steele, "no restraint over his men in 
keeping them together, and his requisitions upon the 
depots seem to be made with utter disregard of the 
numbers present or even on his rolls.'* •" General Smith 
conceived it would be possible, by organizing the In- 
dians into their own brigades and satisfying them that 
way, to draw off the white contingent and make of it 
a separate brigade, still operating, however, within the 
Indian country. To Cooper, the thought of a separate 
white brigade was most unwelcome. The Indians 
could be an effective force only in close conjunction 
with white troops. The separation of whites and In- 
dians would inevitably mean, although not at present 
intended, the isolation of the latter and, perhaps, their 
ultimate abandonment. 

The various proposals and counter-proposals all con- 
verged in an opposition to Steele. His presence in the 
Indian country seemed to block the advancement of 
everybody. Cooper resented his authority over him- 
self and Stand Watie interpreted his waiting policy as 
due to inertness and ineptitude. So small a hold did 
the Federals really have on the Indian country that if 
Steele would only exert himself it could easily be 

••^ Official Records, vol. as, part ii, io$$'to$6. 
^-^IbiiL, 1065. 



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Indian Territory in 1 863 31 1 

broken. But Steele was neither aggressive nor ven- 
turesome. His task was truly beyond him. Discour- 
aged, he asked to be relieved and he was relieved, Brig- 
adier-general Samuel B. Maxey being chosen as his 
successor.*** Again Cooper had been passed over, not- 
withstanding that his Indian friends had done every- 
thing they could for him. They had made allegations 
against Steele; in order that a major-generalship might 
be secured for Cooper and brigadier-generalships for 
some of themselves.*** Boudinot was believed by Steele 
to be at the bottom of the whole scheme; but it had 
been in process of concoction for a long time and Steele 
had few friends. General Smith was the stanchest of 
that few and even Holmes **^ was not among them. 

Obviously, with things in such a chaotic state, mili- 
tary operations in the Indian country, during the au- 
tumn and early winter were almost negligible.*** Steele 
expected that the Federals would attempt a drive from 
Fort Smith to the Red River and he collected what 
forces he could for that contingency. Little reliance 
was to be placed upon the Cherokees since they were 
intent upon recovering Fort Gibson ; but the Choctaws 
through whose country the hostile force would proceed, 
were the drive made, aroused themselves as in the first 
days of the war. They recruited their regiments anew 

•••Special Orders, do. 2x4, December 11, 1863, OficUl Records, vol. 
xzii, part ii, 1094. 

•••Steele to S. Cooper December 19, 1863, ibid., zzoo-iioi. 

Mi Boudinot to Davis, December at, 1863, ibid,, IZ03. 

•••Steele contended that between the rery natural fear that the Indians 
entertained that the white troops were going to be withdrawn from their 
country and Magruder's determination to get those same white troops, it 
was impossible to make any move upon military principles [Steele to An- 
derson, November 9, 1863, ibid,, zo64-io6s]« Steele refused to recognize 
Magruder's right to interfere with his command [Steele to Cooper, Novem- 
ber 8, 1863, ibid,, 1063-Z064]. 



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312 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

and they organized a militia ; but the drive was never 
made.*" 

The only military activity anywhere was in the Cher- 
okee country and it was almost too insignificant for 
mention. Towards the end of November, the Federal 
force there was greatly reduced in numbers, the white 
and negro contingents being called away to Fort 
Smith/** The Indian Home Guards under Phillips 
were alone in occupation. With a detachment of the 
Third Indian, Watie had one lone skirmish, although 
about one half of Phillips^s brigade was out scouting. 
The skirmish occurred on Barren Fork, a tributary of 
the Illinois, on the eighteenth of December.*** Late in 
November, Watie had planned a daring cavalry raid 
into the Neosho Valley.*** The skirmish on Barren 
Fork arrested him in his course somewhat; but, as the 
Federals, satisfied with a rather petty success, did not 
pursue him, he went on and succeeded in entering 
southwest Missouri. The raid did little damage and 
was only another of the disjointed individual undertak- 
ings that Steele deplored but that the Confederates 
were being more and more compelled to make. 



•»» Steele to Gov. Samuel Garland, Nov. 30, 1863, Official Rtcords, vol. 
xxii, part ii, 1082. Cdl. McCurtain of the Choctaw militia reported to Cooper 
that he expected to have fifteen hundred Choctawt assembled by December first 
[Steele to Gano, December 2, 1863, ibid,, 1085]. I'he Second Choctaw regi- 
ment continued scattered and out of ammunition [Steele to Cooper, Decem- 
ber 22, Z863, ibid,, ZZ09]. The Seminole battalion was ordered to report to 
Bourland for frontier defence [Duval to Cooper, December 20, 1863, ibid,, 
1102]. 

•»* Britton, Civil War on thi Border, vol. ii, 236. 

^^^ Official Records, vol xxii, part i, 781-782. 

••• — Ibid., part ii, 722, 746, 752. 



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XIII. ASPECTS, CHIEFLY MILITARY, 
1864-1865 

The assignment of General Maxey to the command 
of Indian Territory invigorated Confederate adminis- 
tration north of the Red River, the only part of the 
country in undisputed occupancy. Close upon the as- 
sumption of his new duties, came a project"^ for 
sweeping reforms, involving army reorganization, 
camps of instruction for the Indian soldiery, a more 
general enlistment, virtually conscription, of Indians- 
this upon the theory that "Whosoever is not for us is 
against us" -the selection of more competent and re- 
liable staff officers, and the adoption of such a plan of 
offensive operations as would mean the retaking of 
Forts Smith and Gibson.*** To Maxey, thoroughly 
familiar with the geography of the region, the sur- 
render of those two places appeared as a gross error in 
military technique ; for the Arkansas River was a nat- 
ural line of defence, the Red was not. "If the Indian 
Territory gives way," argued he, "the granary of the 
Trans-Mississippi Department, the breadstuffs, and 
beef of this and the Arkansas army are gone, the left 
flank of Holmes' army is turned, and with it not only 
the meat and bread, but the salt and iron of what is 
left of the Trans-Mississippi Department." *** 

**^ Maxey to Andcnon, Janauy la, 1864, Officio! Records, vol. sodv, 
part ii, 856-858. 

*** To thit litt might be added the proper fitting out of the troops, which 
was one of the first things that Maxey called to Smith's attention libid., vol. 
xxii, part ii, iiia-zizj]. 

•••This idea met with Smith's full approval libid,, vol. xxxiv, part il, 
918]. 



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314 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Army reorganization was an immense proposition 
and was bound to be a difficult undertaking under the 
most favorable of auspices, yet it stood as fundamental 
to everything else. Upon what lines ought it to pro- 
ceed? One possibility was, the formation of the two 
brigades, with Stand Watie and Cooper individually 
in command, which had already been suggested to Gen- 
eral Smith and favored by him ; but which had recently 
been found incompatible with his latest recommenda- 
tion that all the Indian troops should be commanded, 
in totOy by Cooper.'^ One feature of great importance 
in its favor it had in that it did not ostensibly run 
counter to the Indian understanding of their treaties 
that white troops should be always associated with In- 
dian in the guaranteed protection of the Indian coun- 
try, which was all very well but scarcely enough to bal- 
ance an insuperable objection, which Cooper, when 
consulted, pointed out.**^ The Indians had a strong 
aversion to any military consolidation that involved the 
elimination of their separate tribal characters. They 
had allied themselves with the Confederacy as nations 
and as nations they wished to fight Moreover, due 
regard ought always to be given, argued Cooper, to 
their tribal prejudices, their preferences, call them 
what one will, and to their historical neighborhood al- 
liances. Choctaws and Chickasaws might well stay 
together and Creeks and Seminoles; but woe betide the 
contrivance that should attempt the amalgamation of 
Choctaws and Cherokees. 

*^ Thit it given upon the authority of Maxey [Oficial Records^ vol. zxxiv, 
part ii, 857]. It seems slightly at variance with Smith's own official state- 
ments. Smith would appear to have entertained a deep distrust of Cooper, 
whose promotion he did not regard as either *'wise or necessary" [ihid,^ vol. 
xxii| part ii, iioa]. 

^^ Cooper to T. M. Scott, January, 1864 {Ibid,^ vol. zxxiv, part ii, 859- 
862]. 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 317 

It seems a little strange that the Indians should so 
emphasize their national individualism at this particu- 
lar time, inasmuch as six of them, the Choctaw, Chick- 
asaw, Cherokee, Creek, Seminole, and Caddo, profess- 
ing to be still in strict alliance with the Southern States, 
had formed an Indian confederacy, had collectively 
re-asserted their allegiance, pledged their continued 
support, and made reciprocal demands. All these 
things they had done ii) a joint, or general, council, 
which had been held at Armstrong Academy the pre- 
vious November. Resolutions of the council, embody- 
ing the collective pledges and demands, were even at 
this very moment under consideration by President 
Davis and were having not a little to do with his atti- 
tude toward the whole Maxey programme. 

In the matter of army reorganization. Smith was 
prepared to concede to Maxey a large discretion.*** 
The brigading that would most comfortably fit in with 
the nationalistic feelings of the Indians and, at the same 
time, accord, in spirit, with treaty obligations and also 
make it possible for Cooper to have a supreme com- 
mand of the Indian forces in the field was that which 
Cooper himself advocated, the same that Boudinot took 
occasion, at this juncture, to urge upon President 
Davis.*** It was a plan for three distinct Indian bri- 
gades, a Cherokee, a Creek-Seminole, and a Choctaw- 
Chickasaw. Maxey thought "it would be a fine re- 
cruiting order,"*** yet, notwithstanding, he gave his 

^^Oficial RtcorJs, vol. xxxiv, part ii, 9x7. 

•08 Boudinot to Davit, January 4, 1864 [iHd., vol. liii, supplement, 910- 
921]. Boudinot also suggested other things, some good, some bad. He sug- 
gested, for instance, that Indian Territory be attached to Missouri and Price 
put in command. Seddon doubted if Price would care for the place [ibid^ 

••* — Ibid., vol. xzxiv, part ii, 858. 



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3i8 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

preference for the two brigade plan.**** The promotion 
of Cooper, implicit in the three brigade plan, was not at 
all pleasing to General Smith ; for he thought of it as re- 
flecting upon Steele, whom he loyally described as 
having '^labored conscientiously and faithfully in the 
discharge of his duties." ^ With Steele removed from 
the scene ••^- and he was soon removed for he had been 
retained in the Indian country only that Maxey might 
have for a brief season the benefit of his experience •*•- 
the case was altered and Boudinot again pressed his 
point,*^ obtaining, finally, the assurance of the War De- 
partment that so soon as the number of Indian regi- 
ments justified the organization of three brigades they 
should be formed."* 

The formation of brigades was only one of the In- 
dian demands that had emanated from the general 
council. Another was, the establishment of Indian 
Territory as a military department, an arrangement 
altogether inadvisable and for better reasons than the 
one reason that Davis offered when he addressed the 
united nations through their principal chiefs on the 
twenty-second of February.*" Davis's reason was that 

^* Maxey to Smith, January 15, 1864, Oficial Records^ vol xxxiv, part 
ii, 875. 

^^^-'Ibid,, vol. xxii, part ii, zioz-zioa. 

^^^■^Ibid., vol. zxxiv, part ii, 845, 848. 

to8 So Smith explained \tbid,^ 845], when Steele objected to ttaying in the 
Indian Territory in a subordinate capacity [ihid,^ vol. xxii, part ii, izo8]. 
Steele was transferred to the District of Texas [ibid,^ vol. xxxiv, part ii, 
961]. The withdrawal of Steele left Cooper the ranking officer and the per- 
son on whom such a command, if created, would fall [ibid^ vol liii, sup- 
plement, 968-969]. 

^» Boudinot to Davis, February iz, Z864, ibid., 968. 

*^<^Seddon to Davis, February 33, Z864, ibid., 968-969. 

*i^ Richardson, Missagn and Papm of thg Confideracy, vol. i, 477-479 ; 
Official Records, vol. xxxiv, part iii, 834-825. Davis addressed the chiefs 
and not the delegation that had brought the resolutions [ibid., vol. liii, sup- 
plement, Z030-1031]. John Jumper, Seminole principal chief, was a member of 
the delegation. 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 319 

as a separate department Indian Territory could not 
count upon the protection of the forces belonging to the 
Trans-Mississippi Department that was assured to her 
while she remained one of its integral parts. A dis- 
tinct military district she should certainly be. 

When Davis wrote, the ambition of Cooper had, in 
a measure, been satisfied ; for he had been put in com- 
mand of all "the Indian troops in the Trans-Mississip- 
pi Department on the borders of Arkansas." •" It was 
by no means all he wanted or all that he felt himself 
entitled to and he soon let it be known that such was 
the state of affairs. He tried to presume upon the fact 
that his commission as superintendent of Indian affairs 
had issued from the government, although never actu- 
ally delivered to him, and, in virtue of it, he was in 
military command.*" The quietus came from General 
Smith, who informed Cooper that his new command 
and he himself were under Maxey.*" 

It was hoped that prospective Indian brigades would 
be a powerful incentive to Indian enlistment and so 
they proved. Moreover, much was expected in that 
direction from the reassembling of the general council 
at Armstrong Academy, and much had to be ; for the 
times were critical. Maxey*s position was not likely 
to be a sinecure. As a friend wrote him. 

Northern Texas an4 the Indian Department have been 
neglected so long that they have become the most difficult and 
the most responsible commands in the Trans-Mississippi De- 
partment. I tremble for you. A great name is in store for 
you or you fall into the rank of failures; the latter may be your 

*^* Oficial Ricords, vol. xzxiv, part 11, 84S ; Special Ordert of the Adjutant 
and Inspector General's Office, 1864, Confiderate Records^ no. 7, p. 15. 

•IS Cooper to Davis, February 29, 1864, Official Rgcords, vol. xzxiv, part 
11, 1007. 

•^^^Ibid,, 1008. 



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320 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

fate, and might be the fate of any man, even after an entire 
and perfect devotion of all one's time and talent, for want of 
the proper means. In military matters these things are never 
considered. Success is the only criterion -a good rule, upon 
the whole, though in many instances it works great injustice. 
Good and deserving men fall, and accidental heroes rise in the 
scale, kicking their less fortunate brothers from the platform.*** 

With a view to strengthening the Indian alliance and 
accomplishing all that was necessary to make it effec- 
tive, Commissioner Scott was ordered by Seddon to 
attend the meeting of the general council.*" Unfor- 
tunately, he did not arrive at Armstrong Academy in 
time, most unfortunately, in fact, since he was expected 
to bring funds with him and funds were sadly needed. 
Maxey attended and delivered an address*" that ral- 
lied the Indians in spite of themselves. In council 
meeting they had many things to consider, whether or 
no they should insist upon confining their operations 
henceforth to their own country. Some were for mak- 
ing a raid into Kansas, some for forming an alliance 
with the Indians of the Plains,*" who, during this year 
of 1864, were to prove a veritable thorn in the flesh to 
Kansas and Colorado.*" As regarded some of the work 
of the general council, Samuel Garland, the principal 
chief of the Choctaws, proved a huge stumbling block, 

*^^ S. A. Roberts to Maxey, February z, 1864, Official Records, vol. xxxiv, 
part ii, 93^-937- 

•i« Seddon to Scott, January 6, 1864, itU,, 828-829. 

*^^Moty Kanardi late principal chief of the Creek Nation, tpoke of it 
as a HobU address and begged for a copy libid,, 960]. 

*^*Vore to Maxey, January 29, 1864, ibid,, 928; Maxey to Anderson^ 
February 9, 1864, ibid,, 958; same to same, February 7, 1864, ibid,, vol. liii, 
supplement, 963-966. 

*^* Inasmuch as the alliance with the Indians of the Plains was never 
fully consummated and inasmuch as these Indians harassed and devastated 
the frontier states for reasons quite foreign to the causes of the Civil War^ 
the subject of their depredations and outrages is not considered as within the 
scope of the present volume. 



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As pects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 321 

and Cooper was forced, so he said, to "put the members 
of the grand council to work on" him.*~ It was Coop- 
er's wish, evidently, that the council would "insist un- 
der the Indian compact that all Choctaw troops shall 
be put at once in the field as regular Confederate 
troops for the redemption and defense of the whole 
Indian Territory." The obstinacy of the Choctaw 
principal chief had to be overcome in order "to 
bring out the Third Choctaw Regiment speedily and 
on the proper basis." In general, the council reiter- 
ated its recommendations of November previous and 
so Boudinot informed President Davis,'" it being with 
him the opportunity he coveted of urging, as already 
noted, the promotion of Cooper to a major-generalship. 
In January and so anterior to most of the foregoing 
incidents, the shaking of the political dice in Washing- 
ton, D.C., had brought again into existence the old 
Department of Kansas, Curtis in command.*" Its 
limits were peculiar for they included Indian Terri- 
tory*" and the military post of Fort Smith as well as 
Kansas and the territories of Nebraska and Colorado. 
The status of Fort Smith was a question for the future 
to decide ; but, in the meantime, it was to be a bone of 
contention between Curtis and his colleague, Frederick 
Steele, in command of the sister Department of Ar- 

»«• Cooper to Maxey, February, 1864, Official Records, vol. xxxiv, part 
ii, 9S9* The report reached Phillipt that die Choctawt wanted a confeder- 
acy quite independent of the southern [ibid., part i, 107]. 

**^ Although Davit's address of February 2% could well, in point of 
chronology, have been an answer to the applications and recommendations 
of the second session of the general council, it has been dealt with in con- 
nection with those of the first session, notwithstanding that Boudinot made 
his appeal less than a fortnight before Davis wrote. In his address, Davis 
specifically mentioned the work of the first session and made no reference 
whatsoever to that of the second. 

•** Official Records, vol. xxxiv, part li, 10. 

•«» Ewing wanted the command of Indian Territory, ibid^ 89. 



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322 The India n as Participant in the Civil War 

kansas; for Steele had control over all Federal forces 
within the political and geographical boundaries of 
the state that gave the name to his department except 
the Fort Smith garrison.*" The termination of Scho- 
field*s career in Missouri •" was another result of politi- 
cal dice-throwing, so also was the call for Blunt to 
repair to the national capital for a conference.*** 

But politics had nothing whatever to do with an 
event more notable still. With the first of February 
began one of the most remarkable expeditions that 
had yet been undertaken in the Indian country. It 
was an expedition conducted by Colonel William 
A. Phillips and it was remarkable because, while it pro- 
fessed to have for its object the cleaning out of In- 
dian Territory,**^ its incidents were as much diplomatic 
and pacific as military. Its course was only feebly 
obstructed and might have been extended into northern 
Texas had Moonlight of the Fourteenth Kansas Cav- 
alry chosen to cooperate.*** As it was, the course was 
southward almost to Fort Washita. Phillips carried 
with him copies of President Lincoln's Amnesty Proc- 
lamation*** and he distributed them freely. His in- 
terpretation of the proclamation was his own and per* 
haps not strictly warranted by the phraseology but jus- 
tice and generosity debarred his seeing why magna- 
nimity and forgiveness should not be extended betimes 
to the poor deluded red man as much as to the delib- 
erately rebellious white. To various prominent chiefs 

^^ official Records, vol zzxiv, part ii, 167, 187. 
•M — /Wi., 188. 

•tex^ane, Wilder, and Dole, requested that Blunt be summoned to Wash- 
ington libido 53]. 

*'^See Phillips's address to his soldiers, January 30, 1864, ibid., Z9a 

*<> Phillips to Curtis, February z6, 1864, ibid,, part i, 106-Z08. 

*** Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. vi, 3x3-3x5. 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-186S 323 

of secessionist persuasion he sent messages of encour- 
agement and good-will.**^ More sanguine than cir- 
cumstances really justified, he returned to report that, 
for some of the tribes at least, the war was virtually 
over.*" What his peace mission may have accom- 
plished, the future would reveal; but there was no 
doubting what his raid had done. It had produced 
consternation among the weaker elements. The Creeks, 
the Seminoles, and the Chickasaws had widely dis- 
persed, some into the fastnesses of the mountains. Only 
the Choctaws continued obdurate and defiant. It was 
strange that Phillips should have arrived at conclusions 
so sweeping; for his course**' had led him within hear- 
ing range of the general council in session at Armstrong 
Academy and there the division of sentiment was not 
so much along tribal lines as along individual. Strong 
personalities triumphed; for, as Maxey so truly di- 
vined, the Indian nations were after all aristocracies. 
The minority really ruled. At Armstrong Academy, 
in spite of tendencies toward an isolation that, in ef- 
fect, would have been neutrality and, on the part of a 
few, toward a definite retracing of steps, the southern 
Indians renewed their pledges of loyalty to the Con- 
federacy. Phillips's olive branch was in their hands 
and they threw it aside. Months before they might 
have been secured for the North but not now. For 
them the hour of wavering was past Maxey's vigor 
was stimulating. 

tsoTo Goveroor Colbert of the Chidcataw Nation lOffidal Ricords, vol. 
xzxir, part i, 109-zio], to the Council of the Choctaw Nation libid^ iio]» to 
John Jumper of the Seminole Nation libid^ izz], to Mclntoth, poatibly D. N. 
[ibid^ part ii, 997]. For MaxQr't comments upon Phillips and his letters^ 
see Maxey to Smith, February 36, 1864, ibid., 994-997. 

*s^ Phillips to Curtis, February 24, 1864, ibid., part i, 108-109. 

***For the itinerary of the course^ see ibid.^ iii-iia. 



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324 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

The explanation of Phillips^s whole proceeding dur- 
ing the month of February is to be found in his genuine 
friendship for the Indian, which eventually profited 
him much, it is true, but, from this time henceforth, 
was lifelong. He stood in somewhat of a contrast to 
Blunt, whom General Steele thought unprincipled*" 
and who in Southern parlance was ''an old land spec- 
ulator,"*" and to Curtis, who was soon to show him- 
self, as far as the Indians were concerned, in his true 
colors. While Phillips was absent from Fort Gibson, 
Curtis arrived there. He was making a reconnoissance 
of his command and, as he passed over one reservation 
after Another, he doubtless coveted the Indian land for 
white settlement and justified to himself a scheme of 
forfeiture as a way of penalizing the red men for their 
defectio;!.*" Phillips was not encouraged to repeat 
his peace mission. 

Blunt^s journey to Washington had results, compli- 
mentary and gratifying to his vanity because publicly 
vindicatory. On the twenty-seventh of February he 
was restored to his old command or, to be exact, or- 
dered ''to resume command of so much of the District 
of the Frontier as is included within the boundaries of 
the Department of Kansas.*' *** His headquarters were 
at Fort Smith and immediately began the controversy 
between him and Thayer, although scornfully unac- 
knowledged by Thayer, as to the status of Fort Smith. 
Thayer refused to admit that there could be any issue"' 
between them for the law in the case was clear. What 
Blunt and Curtis really wanted was to get hold of the 

•up. Steele to S. Breck» March 37, 1864, Oficuil Ricords, vol. xxxiv, 
part ii, 751. 

•s^T. M. Scott to Mazey, April la, 1864, ibid^ part iii, 762. 

**'Thi0 matter it very much generalized here for the reason that it 
properly belongs in the volume on reconstruction that is yet to come. 

••• February 23, 1864, Official Records^ vol. xzxiv, part ii, 408. 

••T John M. Thayer to Charles A. Dana, March is, 1864, ibid., 617. 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 325 

western counties of Arkansas'" so as to round out the 
Department of Kansas. To them it was absurd that 
Fort Smith should be within their jurisdiction and its 
environs within Steele and Thayer's. The upshot of 
the quarrel was, the reorganization of the frontier de- 
partments on the seventeenth of April which gave Fort 
Smith and Indian Territory to the Department of Ar- 
kansas"* and sent Blunt back to Leavenworth. His 
removal from Fort Smith, especially as Curtis had in- 
tended, had no change in department limits been made, 
to transfer Blunt's headquarters to Fort Gibson,**^ was 
an immense relief toi Phillips. Blunt and Phillips 
had long since ceased to have harmonious views with 
respect to Indian Territory. During his short term 
of power, Blunt had managed so to deplete Phillips's 
forces that two of the three Indian regiments were prac- 
tically all that now remained to him since one, the Sec- 
ond Indian Home Guards, had been permanently 
stationed at Mackey's Salt Works on the plea that its 
colonel, John Ritchie, was Phillips's ranking officer 
and it was not expedient that he and Phillips ^'should 
operate together.""^ Blunt had detached also a part 
of the Third Indian and had placed it at Scullyville 
as an outpost to Fort Smith. There were to be no more 
advances southward for Phillips."* Instead of making 
them he was to occupy himself with the completion of 
the fortifications at Fort Gibson."* 

•••Thiyer to Grant, March ii, 1864, Official Rfcordj, vol. xxxlr, part 
>>> 566. 

••• — IbiiL, part Hi, 192, 196. 

•40 — /^i'^.^ pun 21^ 5^1, Blunt would have preferred Scullyville libid^ 
part iii, 13]. 

*^^ Blunt to Curtis, March 30^ 1864, ibid., part ii, 791. 

*^' Blunt to Phillips, April 3, 1864, <^<^ P>rt iii, 32; Phillips to Curtis, 
April 5, 1864, ibid., 52-53. 

*** Curtb had ordered the completion of the fortifications which might be 
taken to imply that he too was not favoring a forward policy. 



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326 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Among the southern Indians, Maxey's reconstruc- 
tion policy was all this time having its effect. It was 
revitalizing the Indian alliance with the Confederacy, 
but army conditions were yet a long way from being 
satisfactory. In March Price relieved Holmes in com- 
mand of the District of Arkansas.*** A vigorous cam- 
paign was in prospect and Price asked for all the help 
the department commander could afford him. The 
District of Indian Territory had forces and of all the 
disposable Price asked the loan. Maxey, unlike his 
predecessors, was more than willing to cooperate but 
one difficulty, which he would fain have ignored 
himself -for he was not an Albert Pike-he was com- 
pelled to report. The Indians had to be free, absolutely 
free, to go or to stay.**" The choice of cooperating 
was theirs but theirs also the power to refuse to 
cooperate, if they so desired, and no questions 
asked. The day had passed when Arkansans or 
Texans could decide the matter arbitrarily. Watie 
was expected to prefer to continue the irregular war- 
fare that he and Adair, his colonel of scouts, had so 
successfully been waging for a goodly time now. For- 
merly, they had waged it to Steele's great annoy- 
ance ;•*• but Maxey felt no repugnance to the services 
of Quantrill, so, of course, had nothing to say in dis- 
paragement of the work of Watie. It was the kind of 
work, he frankly admitted he thought the Indians best 
adapted to. The Choctaws under Tandy Walker were 
found quite willing to cross the line and they did ex- 
cellent service in the Camden campaign, which, both 
in the cannonade near Prairie d'Ane on the thirteenth 
of April and in the Battle of Poison Spring on the 

^^ official Rfcordj, vol. zxxiv, part ii» 1034, 1036. 
•^ Maxey to Smith, April 3, 1864, ibid,, part iii» 738-739. 
^*For Steele's oppoiitlon to Adair's predatory movements, see Cottfed' 
irati Ricords, chap, a, nos. 167, a68. 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-186S 327 

eighteenth of April, oflFered a thorough test of what In- 
dians could do when well disciplined, well officered, 
and well considered. The Indian reinforcement of 
Marmaduke was ungrudgingly given and ungrudging- 
ly commended.^' The Camden campaign was short 
and, when about over, Maxey was released from duty 
with Price's army. His own district demanded atten- 
tion ^' and the Indians recrossed the line. 

Price's call for help had come before Maxey had 
taken more than the most preliminary of steps towards 
the reorganization of his forces and not much was he 
able to do until near the end of June. Two brigades 
had been formed without difficulty and Cooper had 
secured his division; but after that had come protract- 
ed delay. The nature of the delay made it a not alto- 
gether bad thing since the days that passed were days 
of stirring events. In the case of Stand Watie's First 
Brigade no less than of Tandy Walker's Second were 
the events distinguished by measurable success. The 
Indians were generally in high good humor; for even 
small successes, when coupled with appreciation of 
eflfort expended, will produce that. One adventure of 
Watie's, most timely and^ a little out of the ordinary, 
had been very exhilarating. ^ It was the seizure of a 
supply boat on the Arkansas at Pheasant Bluff, not far 
from the mouth of the Canadian up which the boat 
was towed until its commissary stores had been ex- 
tracted. The boat was the Williams, bound for Fort 
Gibson.*** 

*^T Williamson to Maxey, April a8, 1864* Official Records, vol. xxxiv, part 
i, 845. 

*^*It had not been Smith's intention that he should go out of his own 
district, where his services were indispensable, until Price's need should be 
found to be really urgent [Boggs to Maxey, April la, 1864, ibid., part iii» 
7^0-761]. 

•4s — Hi4^ ptrt i, 1011-1013; part it, 686-687. 



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328 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

It was under the inspiration of such recent victories 
that the southern Indians took up for consideration the 
matter of reenlistment^ the expiration ^'of the present 
term of service" being near at hand. Parts of the Sec- 
ond Brigade took action first and, on the twenty-third 
of June, the First Choctaw Regiment unanimously re- 
enlisted for the war. Cooper was present at the meet- 
ing "by previous request." ••* Resolutions*" were drawn 
up and adopted that reflected the new enthusiasm. Other 
Choctaw regiments were to be prevailed upon to follow 
suit and the leading men of the tribe, inclusive of Chief 
Garland who was not present, were to be informed that 
the First Choctaw demanded of them, in their legisla- 
tive and administrative capacities "such co-operation 
as will force all able-bodied 'free citizens of the Choc- 
taw Nation, between the ages of eighteen and forty- 
five years, and fitted for military service, to at once 
join the army and aid in the common defense of the 
Choctaw Nation, and give such other cooperation to 
the Confederate military authorities as will effectually 
relieve our country from Federal rule and ruin." 

The First Brigade was not behindhand except in 
point of time by a few days. All Cherokee military 
units were summoned to Watie's camp on Limestone 
Prairie.*" The assemblage began its work on the 
twenty-seventh of June, made it short and decisive and 
indicated it in a single resolution: 

Whereas, the final issue of the present struggle between the 
North and South involves the destiny of the Indian Territory 
alike with that of the Confederate States: Therefore, 

Resolved, That we, the Cherokee Troops, C. S. Army, do 

••• Official Records, vol. xxxiv, part iv, 694. 

wi^Ibid., 695. 

•»*Sttnd Watie to Cooper, Jun« 27, 1864, ibid., part i, 1013. 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 329 

unanimously re-enlist as soldiers for the war, be it long or 
short"** 

No action was taken on the policy of conscription ; but, 
in July, the Cherokee National Council met and, to it, 
Chief Watie proposed the enactment of a conscription 
law.*" 

As a corollary to reorganization, the three brigade 
plan was now put tentatively into operation. It was, 
in truth, ^^a fine recruiting order," and Commissioner 
Scott, when making his annual rounds in August, was 
able to report to Secretary Seddon, 

It is proposed to organize them into three brigades, to be 
called the Cherokee, Choctaw, and Creek Brigades; the Chero- 
kee Brigade, composed of Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Osages, 
has already been organized; the Creek Brigade, composed of 
Creeks and Seminoles, is about being so, and the Choctaws 
antidpate no difficulty in being able to raise the number of 
men required to complete the organization of the Choctaw 
Brigade.**' 

Behind all this virility was General Maxey. With- 
out him, it is safe to say, the war for the Indians would 
have ended in the preceding winter. In military 
achievements, others might equal or excel him but in 
rulings*" that endeared him to the Indians and in prop- 

•*• Official Records, vol. xli, part ii, 1013. 

••* — Ibid., 1046-1047. The general council of the confederated tribes 
had recommended an increase in the armed force of Indian Territory and 
that it was felt could best be obuined, in these days of wavering faith, only 
by conscription. The general council was expected to meet again, July 
ao^ at Chouteau's Trading House [ihid., 1047]* In October, the Chickasaws 
resorted to conscription. For the text of the conKription act, see ibid., vol. 
liii, supplement, io34-ioa5. 

S68 — Ibid,, vol. xli, part ii, 1078. For additional facts concerning the 
progress of reorganization, see Portlock to Marston, August 5, 1864, Con- 
fiderate Records, chap. 2, no. 259, p. 37; Portlock to Captain £. Wal- 
worth, August 27, 1864, ibid., pp. 42-43. 

M* The most significant of Maxe/s rulings was that on oflkial precedence. 
His position was that no race or color line should be drawn in determining 



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330 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

aganda work he had no peer. At Fort Towson, his 
headquarters, he had set up a printing press, from 
which issued many and many a document, the purpose 
of each and every one the same. The following quo- 
tation from one of Maxey's letters illustrates the pur- 
pose and, at the same time, exhibits the methods and 
the temper of the man behind it The matter he was 
discussing when writing was the Camden campaign, in 
connection with which, he said, 

• •• In the address of General Smith the soldiers of 
Arkansas, Missouri, Texas, and Louisiana are specially named. 
The soldiers from this Territory bore an humbler part in the 
campaign, and although they did not do a great deal, yet a fair 
share of the killed, wounded, captured, and captured property 
and cannon can be credited to them. I had a number of Gen- 
eral Smith's address struck off for drculation here, and know- 
ing the omission would be noticed and felt, I inserted after 
Louisiana, "and of the Indian Territory," which I hope will 
not meet General Smith's disapproval. 

I would suggest that want of transportation in this Terri- 
tory will cripple movements very much. . • 

During my absence General Cooper urged General McCul- 
loch to help him in this particular; General M. replies he can 
do "absolutely nothing." I am not disposed to complain about 
anything, but I do think this thing ought to be understood and 
regulated. Supplies of breadstuffs and forage, as well as 
clothing, sugar, etc, all having to be drawn from beyond the 
limits of this Territory, a more than ordinary supply of trans- 
portation is necessary. To that for the troops must be added 
that made necessary by the destitute thrown on the hands of 
the Government and who must be taken care of. I do not 
expect General Smith to investigate and study the peculiar char- 

the reUtire rank of officers [Maxey to Cooper, June 39, 1864, Oficia! RfC' 
ordj, vol. xzziv, part iv, 698-699] ind he held that Confederate law recog- 
nized no diftinction between Inditn and white officers of the same rank. 
Charles de Morse, a Texan, with whom General Steele had had several 
diflPerences, took great exception to Maxe/s decision. Race prejudice was 
strong in him. Had there been many like him, the Indians, with any sense 
of dignity, could never have continued long identified with the Confederate 
cause. For De Morse's letter of protest, see ibid^ 699-7oa 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 331 

acteristics of command here so closely as I have. He hasn't 
the time, nor is it necessary. In my opinion no effort should be 
spared to hold this coimtry. Its loss would work a more 
permanent injury than the loss of any State in the Confeder- 
acy. States can be recovered - the Indian Territory, once . 
gone, never. Whites, when exiled by a cruel foe, find friends 
amongst their race; Indians have nowhere to go. Let the 
enemy once occupy the country to Red River and the Indians 
give way to despair. I doubt whether many of the highest 
offidals in our Government have ever closely studied this sub- 
ject. It is the great barrier to the empire State of the South 
from her foe now and in peace. Let Federalism reach the Red 
River, the effects will not stop there. The doctrine of uti 
possidetis may yet play an important part. 

I believe from what I have heard that Mr. Davis has a 
fair knowledge of this subject, and I think from conversations 
with General Smith he has, but his whole time being occupied 
with his immense department - an empire -I trust he will 
pardon me when I say that no effort of commissaries, quarter- 
masters, or anybody else should be spared to hold this country, 
and I only regret that it has not fallen into abler hands than 
mine. . .•■^ 

Military reorganization*" for the Indian troops had, 
in reality, come too late. Confederate warfare all 
along the frontier, in the summer and autumn of 1864, 
was little more than a series of raids, of which Price's 
Missouri was the greatest. For raiding, the best of 
organization was never needed. Watie, Shelby, Price 
were all men of the same stamp. Watie was the great- 
est of Indian raiders and his mere name became al- 
most as much of a terror as QuantrilPs with which it 
was frequently found associated, rightly or wrongly. 
Around Fort Smith in July and farther north in Au- 
gust the Indian raided to good effect. Usually, when 
he raided in the upper part of his own country. Federal 

MT Maxey to Boggs, May ii, 1864* Oficial Records^ vol. xzziv, part Hi, 
Saa 

***For progress reached in reorganization by October, see orders issued 
by direction of Maxey, ihid^ vol. liii, supplementi loas. 



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332 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

supply trains were his objective, but not always. The 
refugees were coming back from Kansas and their new 
home beginnings were mercilessly preyed upon by their 
Confederate fellow tribesmen, who felt for the owners 
a vindictive hatred that knew no relenting. 

Watie's last great raid was another Cabin Creek af- 
fair that reversed the failure of two years before. It 
occurred in September and was undertaken by Watie 
and Gano together, the former waiving rank in favor 
of the latter for the time being,'" A brilliant thing, 
it was, so Maxey, and Smith's adjutant after him, re- 
ported.*** The booty taken was great in amount and 
as much as possible of it utilized on the spot. Maxey 
regretted that the Choctaws were not on hand also to 
be fitted out with much-needed clothing.**^ It was in 
contemplation that Watie should make a raid into Kan- 
sas to serve as a diversion, while Price was raiding 
Missouri.*" The Kansans had probably much to be 
thankful for that circumstances hindered his penetrat- 
ing far, since, at Cabin Creek, some of his men, becom- 
ing intoxicated, committed horrible excesses and 
"slaughtered indiscriminately." ••• 

Had the force at Fort Gibson been at all adequate 
to the needs of the country it was supposed to defend, 
such raids as Watie's would have been an utter impos- 
sibility. Thanks to Federal indifference and misman- 
agement, however, the safety of Indian Territory was 

•s* Cooper to T. M. Scott, October i, 1864, Official Records, vol. xli, part 
h 783 ; Watie to T. B. Heiston, October 3, 1864, ibid., 785. 

^^ — Ibid,, 793, 794. Cooper described it "as brilliant as any one of the 
war [ibid,, 783] and Maxey confessed that he had long thought that move-, 
ments of the raiding kind were the most valuable for his district [ibid,, 777]. 

^^ Maxey to Boggs, October 9» 1864, ibid,, part iii, 99a 

^' Cooper to Bell, October 6, 1864, ibid,, 982-984. 

^* Curtis Johnson to W. H. Morris, September 20^ 1864 [ibid^ part i» 
774]. 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 333 

of less consequence now than it had been before. The 
incorporation with the Department of Arkansas and 
the consequent separation from that of Kansas had 
been anything but a wise move. The relations of the 
Indian country with the state in which its exiles had 
found refuge were necessarily of the closest and par- 
ticularly so at this time when their return from exile 
was under way and almost over. For reasons not ex- 
actly creditable to the government, when all was 
known, Colonel Phillips had been removed from com- 
mand at Fort Gibson. At the time of Watie's raid. 
Colonel C. W. Adams was the incumbent of the post; 
but, following it, came Colonel S. H. Wattles'** and 
things went rapidly from bad to worse. The grossest 
corruption prevailed and, in the midst of plenty, there 
was positive want. Throughout the winter, cattle- 
driving was indulged in, army men, government agents, 
and civilians all participating. It was only the ex- 
refugee that faced starvation. All other folk grew 
rich. Exploitation had succeeded neglect and Indian 
Territory presented the spectacle of one of the greatest 
scandals of the time; but its full story is not for recital 
here. 

Great as Maxey's services to Indian Territory had 
been and yet were, he was not without his traducers and 
Cooper was chief among them, his overweening ambi- 

^^ Official Ricordj, vol. xli, ptrt iii, soi« Wittles was not at Fort Gib- 
son a month before he was told to be prepared to more even his Indian 
Brigade to Fort Smith libid., part ir, 130]. The necessity for executing 
the order never arose, although all the winter there was talk oflF and on of 
abandoning Fort Gibson entirely, sometimes also there was talk of aban- 
doning Fort Smith. So weak had the two places been for a long time that 
Cooper insisted there was no good reason why the Confederates should not 
attempt to seize them. It is interesting that Thayer notified Wattles to be 
prepared to move just when there was the greatest prospect of a Confeder- 
ate Indian raid into Kansas. 



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334 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

tion being still unsatisfied. In November, at a meet- 
ing of the general council for the confederated tribes, 
Maxey spoke ••• in his own defence and spoke eloquent- 
ly; for his cause was righteous. General Smith was 
his friend "^ in the sense that he had been Steele's; but 
there soon came a time when even the department com- 
mander was powerless to defend him further. Early 
in 1865, Cooper journeyed to Richmond.**' What he 
did there can be inferred from the fact that orders 
were soon issued for him to relieve Maxey.*^ He as- 
sumed command of the district he had so long coveted 
and had sacrificed honor to get, March first,'*' General 
Smith disapproving of the whole procedure. "The 
change," said he, "has not the concurrence of my judg- 
ment, and I believe will not result beneficially." •'* 

But Smith was mistaken in his prognostications. The 
change was not just but it did work beneficially. Coop- 
er knew how to manage the Indians, none better, and 
the time was fast approaching when they would need 
managing, if ever. As the absolute certainty of Con- 
federate defeat gradually dawned upon them, they be- 
came almost desperate. They had to be handled very 
carefully lest they break out beyond all restraint.*'^ 

^^ Officiai Records, vol. xH, ptrt iv, 1035-1037; vol. liil, supplement, 1027. 

v^In July, 1864, orders issued from Richmond for the retirement of 
Maxey and the elevation of Cooper {ibid.^ part ii, 1019]; but Smith held 
them in abeyance [ibid^ part iii, 971]; for he believed that Maxe/s ''re- 
moval, besides being an injustice to him, would be a misfortune to the de- 
partment" The suppression of the orders failed to meet the approval of 
the authorities at Richmond and some time subsequent to the first of October 
Smith was informed that the orders were "imperative and must be carried 
into effect^ libidJ], 

**^ Oficial Records, vol. xlviii, part 1, 1382. 

»es_/^i^.^ ,403. 

— ^nid^ 1408. 

*TiThe evidence for this is chiefly In Cooper's own letter book. One 
published letter is especially valuable in this connection. It is from Cooper 



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Aspects, chiefly Military, 1864-1865 335 

Phillips was again in charge of their northern com- 
patriots*" and, at Fort Gibson, he, too, was handling 
Indians carefully. It was in a final desperate sort of a 
way that a league with the Indians of the Plains was 
again considered advisable and held for debate at the 
coming meeting of the general council. To effect it, 
when decided upon, the services of Albert Pike were 
solicited.*" No other could be trusted as he. Ap- 
parently he never served or agreed to serve*" and no 
alliance was needed; for the war was at an end. On 
the twenty-sixth of May, General E. Kirby Smith en- 
tered into a convention with Major-general E. R. S. 
Canby, commanding the Military Division of West 
Mississippi, by which he agreed to surrender the Trans- 
Mississippi Department and everything appertaining 
to it.*" The Indians had made an alliance with the 
Southern Confederacy in vain. The promises of Pike, 
of Cooper, and of many another government agent had 
all come to naught. 



confidentially to Anderson, May 15, 1865. 0$cial Records^ voL ikvm^ part 
ii, 1306. 

*Y' For Phillips's own account of his reinstallment, see his letter to Herron, 
January 16, 1865, ibid,^ part i, 542-543. 

*^* Smith to Pike, April 8, 1864, ibid*^ part ii, 1266-1269. !< ^** neces- 
sary to have someone else beside Throckmorton, who was a Texan, serve; 
because the Indians of the Plains had a deep distrust of Texas and of all 
Texans [Smith to Cooper, April 8, 1864* t^uf., 1370-1271; and Smith to 
Throckmorton, April 8, 1864, ibid., 1271-1272]. 

*Y^ Smith issued him a commission however. See ibid., 1266. 

919 -^ Ibid., 6<H-(o6. 



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APPENDIX 

LnTLB Rock, Arkansas,*^* 

December 30, 1862. 

Sir: My letters, in respectful terms, addressed to your Adjutant 
General, when I re-assumed command of the Indian Country, late 
in October, have not been fortunate enough to be honored with a 
reply. This will reach you through another medium, and so that 
others besides yourself shall know its contents. I am no longer an 
officer under you, but a private citizen, and free^ so far as any citizen 
of Arkansas can call himself free while he lives in this State; and I 
will see whether you are as impervious to all other considerations, as 
you are to all sense of courtesy and justice. 

You were sent out to Arkansas with certain positive orders, which 
you were immediately to enforce. You knew that "Gen Hindman 
never was the commanding General of the Trans. Mississippi De- 
partment," and was not sent there by the War Department; and 
that, therefore and of course^ all his orders were illegal, for want of 
power. You knew that he never had any right to interfere with 
my command in the Department of Indian Territory, to take away 
my troops and ordnance, or to send me any orders whatever; and that 
therefore I was wholly in the right, in all my controversy with him. 
You knew^ also, that in stripping the Indian Country of troops, 
artillery, arms and ammunition, he had been guilty of multiplied 
outrages, contrary to the will and policy of the President, forbidden 
by the Secretary of War for the future, and hostile to the interests 
of the Confederacy. 

I had been advised by the Secretary of War, on the 14th of July, 
before you were unfortunately thought of [in] connection with the 
Trans. Mississippi Department, that Gen. Magruder was assigned 
to the command of it; and that although I would be under his 
command, it was not doubted that my relations with him would be 
pleasant and harmonious, and that I would have such latitude in 
command of the Indian country, as might be necessary for me to 

*7* Scottish Rite Temple, Pike Papers. 



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338 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

act to the best advantage in its defence. And by the same letter I 
was advised, that it was regretted I had met with so many em- 
barrassments in procuring supplies; and that an order had been 
issued from the Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, to prevent 
the pursuing of such courses as I had complained of, in the seizure 
of what I had procured ; and the Secretary said it was to be hoped 
that neither I nor any other officer would hereafter have cause to 
complain of supplies being diverted from their legitimate destina- 
tion. And that Gen. Magruder might fully understand my position, 
&c, a copy of my letter of 8th June, to General Hindman, stating 
in detail the plundering process to which the Indian Service had be- 
fore then been subjected, was furnished to the former officer. Three 
several copies of this letter were sent me, that it might be certain to 
reach me. 

I do not repeat the substance of that letter, for your benefit. You 
have known it, no doubt, ever since you left Richmond. You told 
me in August, that the War Department was fully informed in re- 
gard to the matters between myself and Generals Van Dom and 
Hindman. You spoke it in the way of a taunt, and as if the Depart- 
ment justified them and condemned me. You meant me so to un- 
derstand it. You are a very ingenious person ; inasipuch as you knew 
the exact contrary to be true. When I afterwards received the Sec- 
retary's letter, I remembered your remark, and did not doubt, and 
do not now doubt, that when you were substituted for Gen. Magru- 
der, you received the same instructions that had been given him and 
were yourself furnished with a copy of the same letter, for the same 
purpose. 

At all events, you were sent out to put an end to his outrages, 
and to avert, if you could, the mischiefs about to spring from them. 
But when you reached Little Rock, you found him there, and you 
found that the troops, artillery, ammunition and stores that had 
reached and were on their way there from the Indian Country, un- 
der his unrighteous orders, and which it was your duty to restore to 
me, were too valuable to be parted with, if that could be in any way 
avoided. Probably you foresaw that you might, by and by need to 
seize money and supplies procured by me. Twenty-six pieces of 
artillery, a supply of fixed ammunition and other trifles, on hand, 
with $1,350,000 in money, and over 6,000 suits of clothing in pros- 
pect, were the bait Hindman had to tempt you withal ; and for it you 



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Appendix 339 

sold your soul, as Faust sold his to Mephistopheles. Your Lieu- 
tenant became your master; you found it convenient to believe his 
version of every thing, and to justify him in every thing, and you 
ended in making all his devilments your own, and adopting the 
whole infernal spawn and brood, with additions of your own to the 
family. 

You told me in August, that you had been prepared to judge me 
favorably, until you read my address to' the Indians on resigning my 
command, but after that, you could not judge me fairly. I did not 
in the least doubt the fact ; but I did 710/ believe the reason. What, 
moreover, had you to judge in regard to mel You were not sent 
to judge any body. Hindman was the criminal you were to operate 
upon. 

And, if you were sent, or had otherwise any right, to judge mf, 
you administered the sort of justice that is in vogue in hell. Before 
you saw me, you heard him. You adopted all his views, and never 
asked me a question in regard to our controversy, or as to my own 
action, or the condition of things in the Indian Country. I had 
been infamously and assiduously slandered, from the moment when 
I began to resist his illegal, impolitic and outrageous attempts to 
deprive the Indian Department of every thing, to make it a mere 
appanage of, and appendix to, North-Westem Arkansas, to take the 
Indians again out of their own country, and to compel me to unite 
in that insane and miserable '^expedition into Missouri," which was 
projected and planned by Folly, mis-managed and misconducted by 
Imbedlity and ended, as I knew it would, in disaster and disgrace. 
Lies of all varieties were ingeniously and laboriously invented at and 
about Head Quarters, and despatches, by special and fit agents, to 
be industriously circulated throughout the Indian Country and 
Texas, as well as Arkansas. The Indians were told that I had 
carried away into Texas the gold and silver belonging to them; 
while the Texans were made to believe that I was paying their 
moneys to the Indians. It was reported, in Bonham, Texas, by 
officers sent from Hindman's Head Quarters, that I was defaulter 
to the amount of $125,000 and at last there crawled out from the 
sewer under the throne, and sneaked about the Indian Country and 
Texas, the damnable lie, that an Indian had been taken, bearing- 
letters from me to the Northern Indians, or, to the enemy in Kansas r 
or, as another version had it, from Gen. James H. Lane to me ; and 



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340 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

three months ago it was whispered about that I was a member of 
the secret disloyal organization in Northern Texas. Such lies could 
have been counted by scores. Most of them are dead and rotten; 
but some still live, by means of assiduous nursing. And all these 
lies, and more either you or Hindman sent to the President at Rich- 
mond. 

I say, sir, you never inquired into any thing. You never wished 
to hear any thing, whatever from me. You disobeyed the orders with 
which you were sent as a public curse and calamity into Arkansas, 
as if the State were not already suffidently infested by Hindman. 
Is it true that he has lately, upon his single order, and without the 
ceremony of even a mock trial, caused three men "suspected of dis- 
loyalty" to be shot; and that, two of them being proven to him to 
be true Southern men, he sent a reprieve, which, either setting out 
too late, or lagging on the way, reached the scene of murder after 
their blood had bathed the desecrated soil of Arkansas? It has 
come to me so, from officers direct from Fort Smith. At any rate, 
he has put to death nine or ten persons, without any legal trial. 
Who is he, that he should do these things in this nineteenth century? 
And who are you, sir, that you should suffer, and by suffering, ap- 
prove and adopt them? How many more murders will suffice to 
awaken public vengeance? 

Was the Star Chamber any worse than Hindman's Military Com- 
missions, that are ordered to preserve no records? Were the 
Lettres de Cachet of Louis xv^ any greater outrage on the personal 
liberty of French subjects, than Hindman's arrests and committal to 
the Penitentiary of suspected persons? Was Tristan THermite any 
more the minister of tyranny, than his Provost Marshals? or Cali- 
gula, Caesar Borgia or Colonel Kirke any more cruel and remorse- 
less than he, that you have sustained all his acts, and made all his 
atrodties your own? Take care, sir I You are not so high, that 
you may not be reached by the arm of justice. The President is 
above you both, and God is above him, and sometimes interferes in 
human affairs. 

Unless the late Secretary of War, through the President, sent an 
official falsehood to the Congress of the Confederate States, you 
were sent to Arkansas with positive and unconditional instructions, 
that, if Gen. Hindman had declared Martial Law in Arkansas, and 
adopted oppressive police regulations under it, you should rescind the 



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Appendix 341 

declarations of Martial Law, and the Regulations adopted to carry 
it into effect. You have not done so. You have not only not 
rescinded any thing; but you have, by a General Order, long ago, 
continued in force all orders of General Hindman, not specially re- 
voked by you. That order could have no retroactive effect, to 
make his orders to have been valid in the past. It could only put 
them in force for the future; and you thereby made them your 
orders, as fully as if you had re-issued them. In so doing, you became 
the enemy of your country, if not of the Human race, and outlawed 
yourself. 

You have yourself established a tariff of prices exclusively on ar- 
ticles produced by the farmers, including the sweet potatoes raised 
by old women and superannuated negroes. You leave the Jews and 
extortioners, some of the former of whom go about in uniforms, 
claiming to be officers and your agents to charge these same venders 
of produce, whatever infamous prices they please for wares they need 
to purchase with the pittances received according to your scale of 
prices, for the vegetables that supply your and other tables. 

You pretend, I learn, that the President gave you discretionary 
power, in regard to Martial Law, and the Regulations in question. 
I do not believe it; for, if he did, then he and the Secretary in- 
tentionally deceived Congress by the equivalent of a lie. Do you 
pretend that the President paltered with G>ngress in a double sense? 
I put you face to face. Is it your act, in defiance of orders, that 
continues Martial Law in force in Arkansas, stifles freedom of 
speech, muzzles the Press, tramples on all the rights at once of the 
People of that State, and makes the State itself only a congregation 
of Helots, incompetent to be represented in G>ngress7 Is it merely 
a contest between you and Phelps, which of the two shall be Military 
Governor? If it is your act, then justice ought at once to be done 
upon you, lest the President, winking at the outrage, and not stripping 
from your back your uniform of Lieutenant General, should deserve 
to be impeached, as your accomplice. 

Or, do you dare assert that it is his act, because he gave you dis- 
cretionary power on the subject, after informing Q>ngress that 
Hindman never was Commanding General of the Department, and 
that you had been ordered to rescind his declaration of Martial Law,- 
nay, after publicly proclaiming that no General had any power to 
declare Martial Law? All the Confederacy thanked and applauded 



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342 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

him for so striking at the root of an immense outrage and abuse and 
an unexpected public course; but if he has authorized or sanctions 
your course, he is unworthy longer to be President. If he has not, 
you have defied his orders and justified men in judging yourself 
authorized and him guilty; and so you are unworthy longer to be 
Genera). 

When I saw you in August, you were greatly exercised on the 
subject of my printed address to the Indians, publication of which 
in Little Rock you had suppressed, as if it could do any harm in 
Arkansas. You suppressed it, because it exposed those whose acts 
were losing the Indian Country. You wanted to keep what had 
been taken from me, and to escape damnation for the probable con- 
sequences of the acts, the profit of which you were reluctant to part 
with. I do not wonder the letter troubled you; for it told the 
truth, and condemned and denounced in advance more unjustifiable 
courses of conduct that you were about to pursue. 

You pretended that it had produced a great "ferment" among the 
Indians; and that even many of the Chickasaws had in consequence 
of it, left the service. It had produced no ferment, and none of the 
Chickasaws had left us. On the contrary, the Indians were quieted 
by it, the Creeks re-organized, in numbers, two regiments, and the 
Chickasaws five companies. That was its purpose, and such was 
its effect. 

But to you, its enormity consisted in its exposure of the conduct 
of two Major Generals. I told the Indians plainly, that it was not 
my fault or the fault of the Government, but of these two Generals, 
that moneys, clothing, arms and anununition, procured for them, had 
not reached them; that troops raised for service among them had 
never entered their country; and that, finally, troops, artillery and 
anununition were carried out of it. This censure of my superiors, 
in vindication of the President and Government, shocked your tender 
sensibilities. You were ready to follow in their footsteps, and al- 
ready had the plunder; and you told me that "the act of the officer 
was the act of the Government." Did you really mean, that the 
Indians should have been led or left to suppose that these acts were 
the acts of the Government? That would have been almost as great 
an infamy, as it was to take the supplies, and so give them cause and 
reason to believe the robbery the act of the Government, and thus 
excite them to revolt. Moreover, when I told you that the act of 



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Appendix 343 

the officer was not, in the case in question, the act of the Govern- 
ment; that, if I had permitted the Indians to suppose so, they would 
long have left us; and that, to quiet them, I had been compelled, for 
three months and more than a hundred times, to explain to them 
what had become of their supplies, and how and by whom they 
have been seized, you admitted that "that was right for local ex- 
planation." As there could be no objection to telling all, what I 
had often told part, that they might tell the rest; and as it was no 
more a crime to print than to say it; I have the right to believe and 
I do believe that your real objection to its publication was that it 
exposed to our own people the actual conduct of other Generals, and 
the intended conduct of yourself. Have you left the Indians to 
believe that the late seizure and appropriation, by yourself, of their 
clothing and moneys, is the act of the Government? If you have, 
you ought to be shot as a Traitor, for provoking them to revolt, 
and giving aid and comfort to the enemy. 

But you told me, that when you first read my letter, you held up 
your hands, and exclaimed, "What I is the man a Traitor?" And 
you said that not one of my friends in Little Rock, and I had, you 
said, a great many, pretended to justify the letter. You have never 
found a friend of mine, or an indifferent person, silly enough to 
think, like you, that it savored of treason. It is only rarely one 
meets a man so scantily furnished with sense as to misunderstand and 
pervert what is written in plain English. I was vindicating myself, 
and still more the Government, and persuading the Indians to remain 
loyal, notwithstanding the wrongs they had endured. I, too, was an 
officer; and my acts had been the acts of the Government. My 
promises to them were its promises. The procuring of supplies by 
mr, was its act; and when, reaching or not reaching the frontier, 
the supplies were like the unlucky traveler, who journeyed from 
Jerusalem to Jericho, then the Government ceased to act, and un- 
licensed outrage took its place. And, further, my act was the act 
of the Government, when I told the Indians why they had not re- 
ceived their supplies and money, and vindicated that Government at 
the expense of those who were guilty of the act; and who having 
done it and reaped the profit, should not be heard to object that 
all the world should know what they did, nor be allowed to escape 
the responsibility of all the consequences. 

If to tell the Indians that other Generals had wrongfully stopped 



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344 '^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

their supplies^ in any degree resembled Treason, that could only be 
so, because it was treason to do the act. It cannot be wrong to make 
known what it was right and proper to do. The truth is, that the 
acts done were outrages, which it was desirable for the doers to 
conceal from the Indians. I refused to become a party to those 
outrages, by concealing them. I would not agree in advance to be 
silent, when you should repeat and improve on those outrages, and 
consummate what had been so felicitously begun. 

I do not doubt that there are assassins wearing uniforms, who are 
knaves enough to pretend to read my letter as you do, and to see in 
it the desire of a disappointed man to be revenged, even by the ruin 
of his country. Power always has its pimps and catamites. These 
would no doubt gladly have made my letter the means of murdering 
me by that devilish engine of Military despotism, a Military commis- 
sion, that is ordered to preserve no records. You, I think really 
look upon it with alarm. It is, no doubt, very desirable to yotf, 
that the blame of losing the Indian G>untry, which, if not already 
a fact accomplished, is a fact inevitable, should be made to fall upon 
me. You, as the pliant and useful implement of Gen. Hindman, 
are the cause of this loss; and you know I can prove it. You and 
he have left nothing undone, that could be done, to lose it. And 
you may rest assured, that whether I live or die, you shall not 
escape one jot or tittle of the deep damnation to which you are 
richly entitled for causing a loss so irretrievable, so astounding, so 
unnecessary and so fatd, and one which it will be impossible to 
excuse as owing to ignorance and stupidity. No degree of these 
misfortunes, can be pleaded in bar of judgment. You will have 
forced the Indians to go to the North for protection. You will 
have given away their country to the enemy. You will have turn- 
ed their arms against us. You will have done this by disobeying the 
orders of your Government, continuing the courses it condemned, 
and to put an end to which it sent you out here; by falsifying its 
pledges and promises, taking for others' uses the moneys which it 
sent out to pay the Indians, robbing them of the clothing sent by it to 
cover their nakedness, and thus thrusting aside all the considera- 
tions of common honesty, of justice, of humanity, and even of policy, 
expediency and common sense. 

When Mr. C. B. Johnson agreed, in September to loan your 
Quartermaster at Little Rock, $350,000 of the money he was con- 



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Appendix 345 

veying to Major Quesenbury, the Quartermaster of the Department 
of Indian Territory, you promised him that it should be repaid to 
Major Quesenbury as soon as you should receive funds, and before 
he would have disposed of the remaining million. You got the 
money by means of that promise; and you did not keep the promise. 
On the contrary, by an order that reached Fort Smith three hours 
before Mr. Johnson did, you compelled Major Quesenbury, the 
moment he received the money, to turn every dollar of it, over 
to a Commissary at Fort Smith ; and it was used to supply the needs 
of Gen. Hindmans troops; when the Seminoles, fourteen months in 
the service have never been paid a dollar; and the Chickasaw and 
Choctaw Battalion, and Chilly Mcintosh's Creeks, each corps a 
year and more in the service, have received only $4S}00O each, and 
no clothing. Was this violation of your promise, the act of the 
Government? 

To replace the clothing I had procured for the Indians in 
December, 1861, and which, with near 1,000 tents, fell into the 
hands of the troops of Generab Price and Van Dorn, I sent an 
agent, in June, to Richmond, who went to Georgia, and there pro- 
cured some 6,SOO suits, with about 3,000 shirts and 3,000 pairs of 
drawers, and some two or three hundred tents. These supplies 
were at Monroe early in September; and the Indians were informed 
that they and the moneys had been procured and were on the way. 
The good news went all over their country, as if on the wings of 
the wind ; and universal content and rejoicing were the consequences. 

The clothing reached Fort Smith ; and its issue to Gen. Hindman's 
people commenced immediately. I sent a Quartermaster for it and 
he was retained there. If any of it has ever reache4 the Indians, 
it has been only recently, and but a small portion of it. 

You pretend to believe that the Indians were in a "ferment" and 
discontented; and you took this very opportune occasion to stop all 
the moneys due their troops and for debts in their country and take 
and appropriate to the use of other troops the clothing promised to 
and procured for them. The clothing and the money were theirs; 
and you were in possession of an order from the War Department, 
forbidding you to divert any supplies from their legitimate destina- 
tion; an order which was issued, as you knew, in consequence of 
my complaints, and to prevent moneys and supplies for the Indians 
being stopped : and yet you stopped all. 



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346 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

You borrow part of the money, and then seize the rest, like a 
genteel highwayman, who first borrows all he can of a traveler, on 
promise of punctual re-payment ; and then claps a pistol to his head, 
and orders him to ''stand and deliver" the rest. And you did even 
more than this. 

For you promised the Acting Q>mmissioner of Indian Affairs, 
when he was at Little Rock, about the ist of October, on his way 
to the Indian G>untry, to give the Indians assurances of the good 
faith of the Government — you promised him, I say, that the 
clothing in question should go to the Indians. He told the Chicka- 
saws and Seminoles, at least, of this promise. You broke it. You 
did not send them the clothing. You placed the Q>mmissioner and 
the Government in an adnurable attitude before the Indians; and 
the consequence has been, I understand, the disbanding of the 
Chickasaws, and the failure of the Seminole troops to re-organize. 
The consequence will be far more serious yet. Indians cannot be 
deceived, and promises made them shamelessly broken, with im- 
punity. 

While you were thus stopping their clothing, and robbing the 
half-naked Indians to clothe other troops, the Federak were sending 
home the Choctaws whom they had taken prisoners, after clothing 
them comfortably and putting money in their pockets. No one 
need be astonished, when all the Indians shall have turned their 
arms against us. 

Why did you and Gen. Hindman not procure by your own ex- 
ertions what you need for your troops? He reached Little Rock 
on the 31st of May. You came here in August. I sent my agents 
to Richmond, for money and clothing, in June and July. I never 
asked either of you for any thing. I could procure for my com- 
mand all I wanted. You and he were Major Generals; I, only a 
Brigadier; and Brigadiers are plenty as blackberries in season. It is 
to be supposed that if I could procure money, clothing and supplies 
for Indians, you and he could do so for white troops. Both of you 
come blundering out to Arkansas with nothing, and supply your- 
selves with what / procure. Some officers would be ashamed so to 
supply defidendes caused by their own want of foresight, energy or 
sense. 

You do not even know you need an Engineer, until one of mine 
comes by, with $20,000 in his hands for Engineer Service in the 



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Appendix 347 

Indian Territory, some of which belongs to me for advances made, 
and with stationery and instruments procured by me, for my De- 
partment, in Richmond, a year ago ; and then you find out that there 
are such things as Engineers, and that you need one; and you seize 
on Engineer, money, and stationery. You even take, notwithstand- 
ing Paragraph VI, of General Orders No. 50, the stationery pro- 
cured by me for the Adjutant General's Office of my Department, 
by purchase in Richmond in December, 1861 ; for the want of which 
I had been compelled to permit my own private stock to be used for 
months. 

I no longer wonder that you do these things. When you told 
me that you could not judge me fairly, because I told the Indians 
that others had done them injustice, you confessed much more than 
you intended. It was a pregnant sentence you uttered. By it you 
judged and convicted yourself, and pronounced your own sentence^ 
when you uttered it. 

The Federal authorities were proposing to the Indians at the 
very time when you stopped their clothing and money, that, if 
they would return to the old Union, they should not be asked to 
take up arms, their annuities should be paid them in money, the 
negroes taken from them be restored, all losses and damage sus- 
tained by them be paid for, and they be allowed to retain, as so 
much dear profit, what had been paid them by the Q>nfederate 
States. It was a liberal offer and a great temptation, to come at 
the moment when you and Hindman were felicitously completing 
your operations, and when there were no breadstuffs in their coun- 
try, and they and their women and children were starving and half- 
naked. You chose an admirable opportunity to rob, to disappoint, 
to outrage and exasperate them, and make your own Government 
fraudulent and contemptible in their eyes. If any human action 
can deserve it, the hounds of hell ought to hunt your soul and 
Hindman's for it through all eternity. 

Instead of co-operating with the Federal authorities, and doing all 
that he and you could do to induce the Indians to listen to and 
accept their propositions, he had better have expelled the enemy 
from Arkansas or "have perished in the attempt;" and you had 
better have marched on Helena, before its fortifications were finished, 
and purged the eastern part of the State of the enemy's presence. 
If you had succeeded as admirably in that, as you have in losing 



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348 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

the Indian Country, you would have merited the eternal gratitude 
of Arkansas, instead of its execrations; and the laurel, instead of 
a halter. I said that you and your Lieutenant had left nothing 
undone. I repeat it. Take another small example. Until I left 
the command, at the end of July, the Indian troops had regularly 
had their half rations of coffee. As soon as I was got rid of, an 
order from Gen. Hindman took all the remaining coffee, some 3,000 
lbs., to Fort Smith. Even in this small matter, he could not forego 
an opportunity of injuring and disappointing them. 

You asked me, in August, what was the need of any white troops 
at all, in the Indian Q>untry; and you said that the few mounted 
troops, I had, if kept in the Northern part of the Cherokee Country, 
would have been enough to repel any Federal force that ever would 
have entered it. As you and Hindman never allowed any ammuni- 
tion procured by me, to reach the Indian Country, if you could 
prevent it, whether I obtained it at Richmond or Corinth, or in 
Texas, and as you approve of his course in taking out of that 
country all that was to be found in it, I am entitled to suppose 
that you regarded anununition for the Indians as little necessary, 
as troops to protect them in conformity to the pledge of honor of 
the Government. One thing, however, is to be said to the credit 
of your next in command. When he has ordered anything to be 
seized, he has never denied having done so, or tried to cast re- 
sponsibility on an inferior. After you had written to me that you 
had ordered Col. Darnell to seize, at Dallas, Texas, ammunition 
furnished by roe, you denied to him, I understand, that you had 
given the order. Is it so? and did he refuse to trust the order in 
your hands, or even to let you see it, but would show it to Gen. 
McCulloch? 

Probably you know by this time, if you are capable of learning 
any thing, whether any white troops are needed in the Indian Coun- 
try. The brilliant result of Gen. Hindman's profound calculations 
and masterly strategy, and of his long-contemplated invasion of Mis- 
souri, is before the country; and the disgraceful rout at Fort Wayne, 
with the manoeuvres and results on the Arkansas, are pregnant 
commentaries on the abuse lavished on me, for not taking "the 
line of the Arkansas,'' or making Head Quarters on Spring River, 
with a force too small to effect any thing any where. 

I have not spoken of your Martial Law and Provost Marshab 



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Appendix 349 

in the Indian Q>untry, and your seizure of salt-works there, or, 
in detail, of your seizure of ammunition procured by me in Texas, 
and on its way to the Indian troops, of the withdrawal of all white 
troops and artillery from their country, of the retention for other 
troops of the mountain howitzers procured by me for Col. Waitie, 
and the ammunition sent me, for them and for small arms, from 
Richmond. This letter is but a part of the indictment I will prefer 
bye and bye, when the laws are no longer silent, and the constitution 
and even public opinion no longer lie paralyzed under the brutal 
heel of Military Power; and when the results of your impolicy and 
mirmanagement shall have been fully developed. 

But I have a word or two to say as to myself. From the time 
when I entered the Indian Country, in May, i86i, to make Treat- 
ies, until the beginning of June, 1862, when Gen. Hindman, in 
the plentitude of his self-conceit and folly, assumed absolute control 
of the Military and other affairs of the Department of Indian Ter- 
ritory, and commenced plundering it of troops, artillery and ammu- 
nition, dictating Military operations, and making the Indian country 
an appanage of Northwestern Arkansas, there was profound peace 
throughout its whole extent. Even with the wild Camanches and 
Kiowas, I had secured friendly relations. An unarmed man could 
travel in safety and alone, from Kansas to Red River, and from the 
Arkansas line to the Wichita Mountains. The Texan frontier had 
not been as perfectly undisturbed for years. We had fifty-five 
hundred Indians in service, under arms, and they were as loyal 
as our own people, little as had been done by any one save myself 
to keep them so, and much as had been done by others to alienate 
them. They referred all their difficulties to me for decision, and 
looked to me alone to see justice done them and the faith of Treaties 
preserved. 

Most of the time without moneys (those sent out to that Depart- 
ment generally failing to reach it) I had managed to keep the white 
and Indian troops better fed than any other portion of the troops 
of the Confederacy any where. I had 26 pieces of artillery, two 
of the batteries as perfectly equipped and well manned as any, any 
where. I had on hand and on the way, an ample supply of am- 
munition, after being once plundered. While in command, / had 
procured, first and last, 36,000 pounds of rifle and cannon powder. 
If you would like to know, sir, how I effected this, in the face 



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350 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

of all manner of discouragements and difficulties, it is no secret. 
My disbursing officers can tell you who supplied them with funds 
for many weeks, and whose means purchased horses for the artillery. 
Ask the Chickasaws and Seminoles who purchased the only shoes 
they had received — four hundred pairs, at five dollars each, pro- 
cured and paid for by me, in Bonham, and which I sent up to them 
after I was taken "in personal custody'' in November. 

You dare pretend, sir, that / might be disloyal, or even in thought 
couple the word Treason with my name. What peculiar merit is 
it in you to serve on our side in this war? You were bred a 
soldier, and your only chance for distinction lay in obtaining pro- 
motion in the army, and in the army of the Q>nfederacy. You 
were Major, or something of the sort, in the old army, and you are 
a Lieutenant General. Your reward I think, for what you have 
done or not done, is sufficient. 

I was a private dtizen, over fifty years of age, and neither need- 
ing nor desiring military rank or civil honors. I accepted the office 
of G>mmissioner, at the President's solicitation. I took that of 
Brigadier General, with all the odium that I knew would follow it, 
and fall on me as the Leader of a force of Indians, knowing there 
would be little glory to be reaped, and wanting no promotion, simply 
and solely to see my pledges to the Indians carried out, to keep them 
loyal to us, to save their country to the Confederacy, and to pre- 
serve the Western frontier of Arkansas and the Northern frontier 
of Texas from devastation and desolation. 

What has been my reward? All my efforts have been rendered 
nugatory, and my attempts even to collect and form an army frus- 
trated, by the continual plundering of my supplies and means by other 
Generals, and your and their deliberate efforts to disgust and al- 
ienate the Indians. Once before this, an armed force was sent to 
arrest me. You all disobeyed the President's orders, and treated 
me as a criminal for endeavoring to have them carried out. The 
whole country swarms with slanders against me; and at last, be- 
cause I felt constrained reluctantly to re-assume command, after 
learning that the President would not accept my resignation, I am 
taken from Tishomingo to Washington, a prisoner, under an armed 
guard, it having been deemed necessary, for the sake of effect, to 
send two hundred and fifty men into the Indian Country to arrest 
me. The Senatorial election was at hand. 



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Appendix 351 

I had, unaided and alone, secured to the Confederacy a magnif- 
icent country, equal in extent, fertility, beauty and resources to 
any of our States - nay, superior to any. L had secured the m^ans, 
in men and arms, of keeping it. I knew how only it could be de- 
fended. I asked no aid of any of you. I only asked to be let alone. 
Verily, I have my reward also, as Hastings had his, for winning 
India for the British Empire. 

It is your day now. You sit above the laws and domineer over 
the constitution. "Order reigns in Warsaw." But bye and bye, 
there will be a just jury empannelled, who will hear all the testi- 
mony and decide impartially — no less a jury than the People of 
the Confederate States; and for their verdict as to myself, I and 
my children will be content to wait; as also for the sure and stem 
sentence and universal malediction, that will fall like a great wave 
of God's just anger on you and the murderous miscreant by whose 
malign promptings you are making yourself accursed. 

Whether I am respectfully yours, you will be able to determine 
from the contents of this letter. 

Albert Pike, Citizen of Arkansas. 
Theophilus H. Holmes, Major General &c 



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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

I. ALPHABETICAL LIST OF SOURCES. 

Abbl» Annie Hbloisb, editor. The official correspondence of 

James S. Calhoun (Washington, D.C., IQIS)* 
American Annual Cyclopedia, i86i - 1865 (New York). 
Bishop, Albert Webb. Loyalty on the frontier, or sketches of 

union men of the southwest (St. Louis, 1863). 
Central Superintendency Records. 

The Central Superinteodency, embracing much of the territoiy included 
in the old St Louis Superintendenqr, was established in 18 51 under an 
act of congress, approved February 37 of that year.*^^ Its headquarters 
were at St Louis from the date of its founding to 1859,*^* ^^ ^^ Joseph 
from that time to July, 1865,*^* ^t Atchison, from July, 1865 to i%6%^^ 
and at Lawrence, from 1869 ^o '^Z'* 

In Februaty of 1878, J. H. Hammond, who was then in charge of the 
superintendency, reported upon its records to the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs.**^ He spoke of the existence of "eight cases containing Books, 
Records, Papers," and he enclosed with his report schedules of the con- 
tents of certain boxes labelled A,B,C,D,£,P,HJ«. Of Box A, the schedule 
appertaining gave this information: "Old Records, Piles, Memoranda, 
etc^ Miscellaneous Papers accumulated prior to 1869, when Enoch Hoag 
became SupK^entSup^." More particularly. Box A contained "One 
Bundle Old Treaties of various years, three (bundles) of Agency Ac- 
counts," and, for the period of 1830-1833, it contained "One Bundle 
Ancient Maps," and one of "Old Bills and Papers." 

The collection as a whole, undoubtedly sent into the United States 
Indian Office as Hammond reported upon it; has long since been irre- 
trievably broken up and its parts distributed. Knowing this the in- 

'779 United States Statutes at Large, p. 586, sec. a; Indian Office Letter 
Book, no. 44, p. 359. 

97S Greenwood to Robinson, November az, 1859, ibid,, no. 6a, p. 372. 

»^»Dole to Murphy, June 23, 1865, ibid,, no. 77, p. 341. 

**<^ Parker to Hoag, May a6, 1869, ibid,, no. 90, p. aoa. 

**^Dr. William Nicholson, who succeeded Enoch Hoag as superintendent, 
was ordered to deliver the records to Hammond [Ho3rt to Nicholson, tele- 
gram, January 15, 1878, Office of Indian Affairs, Correspondence of the 
CimliMation Division"], Hammond forwarded the records to Washington, 
D.C, February 11, 1878. 



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354 ^*^ Indi an as Participant in the Civil War 

vesdgmtor it fmin to deplore the tdvent of '^eflkiency^ methods into the 
government service. Such efficiency, when interpreted by the ordinary 
clerk, has ever meant confusion where once was order and a dislocation 
that can never be made good. From the break-up, in the instance under 
consideration, the following books have been recovered: 
Letter Book, July as, 1853 to May lo^ 1861. 

" November i, 1859 to February 5, .1863. 

" February, 1863. 

" Tetters to Commissioner of Indian Affairs,'* May 33, 1855 

to October 31, 1859. 
" '^Letters to Commissioner," ''Records," February 14, 1863 

to June 6, 1868. 
** "District of Nebraska, Letters to Commissioner," June 6, 

1868 to April 10, 1871. 
** April la, 1871 to February ai, 1874. 

<' "Letters to Commissioner," February ai, 1874 to October 

aa, 1875. 
** ''Letters to Commiuioner," October as, 1875 to January 

31, 1876. 
" "Letters to Agents," October 4, 1858 to December la, 1867. 

" "Letters Sent to Agents, District of Nebraska," December 

la, 1867 to August aa, 1871. 
Account Book of Central Superintendency, being Abstract of Disburse- 
ments, 1853 to 1865. 
CoNFBDBRATB Statbs OF Ambrica. "Jcffcrson Davis Papers." 

These papers, miscellaneous in character and now located in the 
Archives Division of the Adjutant General's Office of the United States 
War Department, seem to have belonged personally to President Davis 
or to have been retained by him. Among them is Albert Pike's Report 
of the Indian negotiations conducted by him in 1861. 

Journal of the G>ngress, 1861-1865. 

United States Senate Executive Documents, 58th congress, second session, 

no. 334. 
Private Laws of the Confederate States of America, First Congress 

(Richmond, i86a). 
Private Laws of the Confederate States of America, Second Congress 

(Richmond, 1864). 
Provisional and Permanent Constitutions of the Confederate States and 
Acts and Resolutions of the First Session of the Provisional Congress 
(Richmond, 1861). 
Public Laws of the Confederate States of America, 1863-1864 (Rich- 
mond, 1864). 
Statutes at Large of the Confederate States of America, First Congress, 

edited by J. M. Matthews (Richmond, i86a). 
Statutes at Large of the Provisional Government of the Confederate 
States of America from February 8, 1861 to February 18, i86a, to- 
gether with the Constitution for the Provisional Government and 
the Permanent Constitution of the Confederate States, and the 



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Selected Bibliography 355 

Treaties Concluded by the Confederate States with the Indian Tribes, 
edited by J. M. Matthews (Richmond, 1864). 

Statutes at Large of the Confederate States, commencing First Session 
of the First Congress and including First Session of the Second Con- 
gress, edited by J. M. Matthews (Richmond, 1864). 

Statutes at Large of the Confederate States of America, Second Congress 
(Richmond, 1864). 
Confederate States of America. Papers of the Adjutant and 

Inspector General's Office. 

Special Orders (Richmond, i86a). 

General Orders, January, i86a to December, 1863 (Columbia, 1863). 

General Orders for 1863 (Richmond, 1864). 

Special Orders (Richmond, 1864). 

General Orders, January i, to June 30^ 1864, compiled by R. C Gilchrist 
(Columbia, 1864). 

"Pickett Papers." 

State papers of the Southern Confederacy now lodged in the Library 
of Congress. Had Pike continued to prosecute his mission under the 
auspices of the State Department, these papers would undoubtedly have 
contained much of value for the present work, but as it is they yield 
only an occasional document and that of very incidental importance. 
The papers used were found in packages 81, 86, 88, 93, 95, 106, 107, 109, 
113, 118. The "Pickett Papers" were originally in the hands of Sec- 
retary Benjamin. After coming into the possession of the United States 
government, they were at first confided to the care of the Treasury De- 
partment and were handed over later, by direction of the president, to 
the Library of Congress. The fact of their being in the charge of the 
Treasury Department explains the circumstance of its possession of the 
original treaty made by Pike with the Comanches, and the fact that that 
manuscript turned up long after the main body of "Pickett Papers" had 
been transferred to the Congressional Library suggests the possibility 
that detached Confederate records may yet repose in the recesses of the 
Treasury archives. Between the dates of their consignment and their 
transfer, they must have become to some degree disintegrated. The 
War Department borrowed some of the Pickett Papers for inclusion in 
the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, 

Records, or Archives. 

Among these, which are to-day in the War Department in charge of 
the Chief Clerk of the Adjutant-general's Ofiice, are the following: 
Chap, a, no. 358, Letter Book, Brig. Gen. D. H. Cooper, C.S.A., Ex officio 
Indian Agent, etc, May 10-37, 1865 (File Mark, W. 336). 

It is a mere fragment Its wrapper bears the following endorse- 
ment: War Department, Archive Office, Chap. 2, No. 358. 
Chap. 3, no. 370, Letter Book, Col. and Brig. Gen. Wm. Steele's command. 
The contents are, 
a. A few letters dealing with Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico^ 
March to July, 1863, pp. 7-33. These letters emanated from tiie 



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356 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

authority of William Steele, ColoDel of the Seventh Regiment of 
Texas Mounted Volunteers. 

b. Letters dealing with matters in the Department of Indian Terri- 
tory, January 8, 1863 to May 18, 1863, pp. 37-354. Pages 1-6, a3-a6, 
and 47 and 48 are missing. 

The list of the whole, as given, is, 
Letters Sent -Col. and Brig. Gen. Wm. Steele's command -Mch. 7, 
i86a to May 18, 1863, viz., 

I. 7th Regt Texas M. Vols. Mch. 7 to June 2o/6a 
a. Dept New Mexico, June 24/62 

3. Forces of Arizona, July 12, 1862. « 

4. Dept of Indian Territory, Jan. 8-12, 1863 

5. zst Div. ist Corps Trans-Miss. Dept, Jan. i3-2o» 1863. 

6. Dept of Indian Territory, Jan. 21 to May 18, 1863. 

Chap. 2, no. 268, Letters Sent, Department of Indian Territory, from 
May 19, 1863 to September 27, 1863. 

This is another William Steele letter book, but is not quite complete. 
In point of time covered, it succeeds no, 270 and is itself succeeded 
by no. 267. 
Chap. 2, no. 267, Letters Sent, September 28, 1863 ^ June 17, 1864. 

Pages 3 to 6, inclusive, are missing and there are no letters after 
page Z19. 
Chap. 2, na 259, Inspector General's Letters and Reports, from April 
23, 1864, to May 15, 1865. 

The CQver has this as title: Letter Book A: Insp^ Genu's Oflke- 
Dis^ of Indian Ter^^ From April 23rd, 1864 to May 15, 1865. Oti 
the inside of the front cover, appears this in pencil: '^Received from 
Gen> M. J. Wright, Oct 16/79." Some pages at the beginning of the 
book have been cut out Between pages 145 and 196, are reports, 
variously signed, some by £. £. Portlock, some by N. W. Battle, and 
some by James Patteson. 
Chap. 2, no. 260, District of the Indian Territory, Inspector General's 
Letter Book, April 23, 1864 to January 7, 1865. 

''Received from Gen' M. J. Wright, Oct 16/79." Prom a com- 
parison of nos. 259 and 260, it is seen that no. 259 is a rough letter 
and report book and that no. 260 is a finished product The 1864 
material in no. 259 is duplicated by that in no. 26a 
Chap. 7, no. 36. Indian Treaties. 

Chap. 7, no. 48. Regulations adopted by the War Department, on the 
15th of April 1862, for carrying into effect the Acts of Congress of 
the Confederate States, Relating to Indian Affairs, etc. (Richmond, 
1862). 

On page i, is to be found, "Regulations for Carrying! into effect, 
the Act of Congress of the Confederate States, approved May 21, 
1861, entitled An Act for the protection of certain Indian Tribes, 
and of other Acts relating to Indian Affairs." 



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Selected Bibliography 357 

Fort Smith Papers. 

See Abel, The American Indian as Slaviholder and Seassionijt, p. 
S6i. 

Grbblby^ Horacb. The American conflict (Hartford, 1864-1867), 
a vols. 

Indian Brigade^ Inspection Reports of, for 1864 and 1865. 

Theie were loaned for perusal by Luke F. PartoDs, who was brigade 
inspector under Colonel William A. Phillips. 

Kapplbr, Charlbs J., compiler and editor. Indian Affairs: Laws 
and Treaties. 

United Sutes Senate Documents, 58th congress, second session, no. 
319, a vols. 

Supplementary volume, United States Senate Documents, 6and con- 
gress, second session, no. 719. 

Lbbpbr Papers. 

See Abel, Tkg Amgrican Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist^ pp. 
$60, 36a. 

Lincoln, Abraham. G}mplete Works, edited by John G. Nico- 
lay and John Hay (New York, 1890), 10 vols. 

McPmbrson, Edward. Pditical History of the United States of 
America during the Great Rebellion (Washington, D.C., 1864). 

Missionary Herald, containing the proceeding of the American 
Board for Foreign Missions (Boston), vols. 56, 57, 60. 

MooRB, Frank, editor. Rebellion Record: Diary of American 
Events (New York, 1868), 11 vols, and a supplementary volume 
for 1861-1864. 

Philups, William Addison. Conquest of Kansas by Missouri 
and her allies (Boston, 1856). 

"PiKB Papbrs." 

On subjects otber than Indian, extant manuscripts written and re- 
ceived by Albert Pike are exceedingly numerous. One collection of his 
personal papers is in the possession of Mr. Fred Allsopp of Little Rock; 
but the largest proportion of those of more general interest, as also of 
more special, is in the Scottish Rite Temple, Washington, D.C., under 
the care of Mr. W. L. Boyden. Three things only deserve particular men- 
tion; viz., 

a. Autobiography of General Albert Pike. 

A bound typewritten manuscript, "from stenographic notes, furnished 
by himself." 

b. Confederate States, a/c^s with. 

These papers are in a small file-box and are chiefly receipts from 
John Crawford, Matthew Leefer, Douglas H. Cooper, John Jumper, and 



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358 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

others for money tdvtnced to them and vouchers for purchases made 
by Pike. There are three personal letters in the box: D. H. Cooper 
to Pike, July 1%, 1873; William Quesenbury to Pike, August 10^ 1873; 
William Quesenbury to Pike, August 11, 1873. All three letters have 
to do with a certain $5000 seemingly unaccounted for, a subject in 
controversy between Pike and Cooper, reflecting upon the tatter's in- 
tegrity. One of the papers is an itemized account of the money Pike 
expended for the Indians, money "placed in his hands to be dis- 
bursed among the Indian Tribes under Treaty stipulations in January, 
AJ). 1862." It contains an enclosure, the receipt signed by Edward 
Cross, depositary, showing that Pike restored to the Confederate Treas- 
ury the unexpended balance, $19,263 10/100 specie, $49,980 55/100, treas- 
ury notes. The receipt is dated Little Rock, March 13, 1863. 
c Choctaw Case. 

Two packages of papers come under this heading. One is of man- 
uscript matter mainly, the other of printed matter solely. In the latter 
is the Memorial of P, P. Pitchlynn, House Miscellaneous Documents, no. 
89, 43d congress, first session, and on it Pike has inscribed, ''Written by 
me, Albert Pike." 
Richardson, Jambs D., editor. G}mpilation of the messages and 
papers of the G}nfederacy, including the diplomatic correspond- 
ence (Nashville, 1905), 2 vols. 

Compilation of the messages and papers of the presidents, 

1789-1897 (Washington, 1896-1899), 10 vols. 

United States of America. G}mmissioner of Indian Affairs, 
Reports, 1861, 1862, 1863, 1864, 1865. 

Congressional Globe, 37th and 38th congresses, 1861-1865. 

Department of the Interior, Files. 

The files run in two distinct series. One series has its material ar- 
ranged in boxes, the other, in bundles. The former comprises letters 
from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs only, and has been examined 
to the extent here given. 

No. 9, January i, 1861 to December i, 1861. 

" ID, December i, 1861 to November i, 1863. 

" II, November i, 1863 to July i, 1863. 

" 13, July I, 1863 to June 15, 1864. 

" 13, June 15, 1864 to April i, 1865. 
The latter were difficult of discovery. After an exhausting search, 
however, they were located on a top-most shelf, under the roof, in the 
file-room off from the gallery in the Patent Office building. The bundles 
are small and each is bandaged as were the Indian Office files, originally. 
The bandage, or wrapper, is labelled according to the contents. For 
example, one bundle is labelled, "No. i, 1849-1864, War;" another, "No. 
34, 1853-1868, Exec" In the first are letters from the War Department, 
in the second, from the White House. Some of the letters ar« from a 



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Selected Bibliography 359 

given department by reference only. A great number ol the bundles 
have nothing but a number to distinguish them, 
No. 53, January to June, 1865. 
" 54* July to August, 1865. 
** 55> September to December, 1865. 
" 56, January to December, 1866. 
Unitbd States of America. Department of the Interior, Letter 
Books, "Records of Letters Sent." 

Ka 3, July a2, 1857 to January 3, 1863. 
" 4, January 3, 1863 to June 30, 1864. 
" 5> July If 1864 to December la, 1865. 
" 6, December 14, 1865 to September aa, 1865. 

Department of the Interior, Letter Press Books, "Letters, 

Indian Affairs.'^ 

No. 3, August 20, 1858 to March 5, 186a. 
" 4, March 5, i86a to July i, 1863. 
" 5f July i» 1863 to June aa, 1864. 
" 6, June aa, 1864 to April 11, 1865. 

Department of the Interior, Register Books, "Register of 

Letters Received," 

Corresponding to the two series of files, are tho series of registers. 
One series is a register of letters received from the Indian Office and 
each volume it labelled "Commissioner of Indian Affairs." The particular 
volume used for the present work covers the period from December 5, 
i860 to January 6, 1866. It will be found cited as ''D," that being a 
designation given to it hy Mr. Rapp, the person at present in charge of 
the records. The second series is a register of letters received from per- 
sons other than the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Each volume is 
labelled, ''Indians.'' 

"Indians," No. 3, January 8, 1856 to October 37, 1861. 
" " 4, January a, 186a to December ay, 1865. 

Office of Indian Affairs, Consolidated Files. 

During the last few years and since the time when most of this in- 
vestigation was made, the various files of the Indian Office have been 
consolidated and, in many cases, hopelessly muddled. It has been thought 
best to refer in the text, wherever possible, to the old separate files, inas- 
much as all letter books and registers were kept with the separate filing 
in view. 

Office of Indian Affairs, General Files. 

Central Superintendency, boxes i86o-i86a, 1863-1868; Southern Super- 
intendency, boxes 1859-1863, 1863-1864, 1865, 1866; Cherokee, 1859- 
1865, 1865-1867, 1867-1869, 1869-1870; Chickasaw, 1854-1868; Choctaw, 
1859-1866; Creek, 1860-1869; Delaware, 1855-1861, i86a-i866; Kansas, 
1855-1863, 1863-1868; Kickapoo, 1855-1865; Kiowa, 1864-1868; Miscel- 
laneous, 1858-1863, 1864-X867, 1868-1869; Osage River, 1855-1863, 1863- 



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360 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

1867; Otoe, 1856-1862, 1863-1869; Ottawt, 1863-1873; Pottawatomie, 
1855-1861, 1862-1865; Sac and Fox, i86a-i866; Seminole, 1858-1869; 
Wichiu, 1860-X861, 1862-1871. 
United States of America. Office of Indian Affairs, Irregularly- 
Shaped Papers. 

This was a collection made for the convenience of the Indian OflBce. 
The name itself is a sufficient explanation. 

Office of Indian Affairs, John Ross Papers. 

These were evidently part of the evidence furnished at the Fort Smith 
Council, 1865. 

Office of Indian Affairs, Land Files. 

Central Superintendency, box 10^ 1852-1869; Southern Superintendency, 
1855-1870; Cherokee, box ax, 1850-1869; Choctaw, box 38, 1846-1873; 
Creek, 'box 45, 1846-1873; Dead Letters, box 51; Freedmen in Indian 
Territory, 2 boxes; Indian Talks, Councils, &&, box 3, 1856-1864, box 4, 
1865-1866 ; Kansas, box 80^ 1863-1865 ; Kickapoo, box 86, 1857-1868 ; Mis- 
cellaneous, box 103, 1860-X870; Neosho, box 1x7, 1833-1865; New York, 
box 130^ 1860-1874; Osage, box 143, 1831-1873; Osage River, box 146, 
1860-1866; Shawnee, box 190^ 2860-1865; Special Cases, box iii, 'In- 
vasion of Indian Territory by White Settlers;" Treaties, box 2, 1853- 
1863, box 3, 1864-1866. 

Office of Indian Affairs, Spedal Files. 

No. 87, "Claims of Loyal Seminoles." 

" X06, "Claims of Delawares for Depredations, 1863." 
" X34, "Claims of Choctaws and Chickasaws." 

M .^2 II II II II II 

" 201, "Southern Refugees." 
" 284, "Claims of Creeks." 

Kansas, box 78, i86o-x86x, box 79, 1862; Otoe, box 153, 1856-1876; 
Ottawa, box 155, 1863-1873; Pawnee, box 156, 1859-1877; Pottawatomie, 
box 163, 1855-1865; Sac and Fox, host 177, 1860-1864, box 178, 1865-1868; 
Shawnee Deeds and Papers, box 195; Subsistence Indian Prisoners, one 
box; Wyandott, box 242, 1836-1863, and many other file boxes, with 
dates of the period under investigation, have been examined but have 
yielded practically nothing of interest for the subject 

Special Cases are quite distinct from Special Files. There are in all 
two hundred three of the former and three hundred three of the latter. 
There is in the Indian Office a small manuscript index to the Special 
Cases and a folio index to the Special Files. 

Office of Indian Affairs. Letter Books (letters sent). See 

Abel, The American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist, pp. 

363-364. 

Office of Indian Affairs. Letters Registered (abstract of let- 
ters received), ibid,, p. 364. 

Office of Indian Affairs, Miscellaneous Records, vol. viii, 

April, 1852 to July, 1861 ; vol. ix, July, 1861 to January 22, 1887. 



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Selected Bibliography 361 

United States of America. Office of Indian Affairs. Parker 
Letter BooL Letters to E. S. Parker, G}mmis8ioner of Indian 
Affairs, and others, 1869 to 1870. 

Office of Indian Affairs. Report Books^ Reports of the G}m- 

missioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary of the Interior. See 
Abel, The American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist^ p. 

365. 

United States Senate, Report of the Committee on the Conduct 
of the War, 37th congress, third session, no. 108 (1863), 3 vols.; 
38th congress, second session, no. 142 (1865), 3 vols, and Sup- 
plemental Report (1866), 2 vols. 

Committee Reports, no. 278, 36th congress, first session, be- 
ing testimony before a Select Committee of the Senate, appoint- 
ed to inquire into the Harper's Ferry affair. 

War Department. 

Aside from the Confederate Records, which are not regular War 
Department files, papers have been examined there for the Civil War 
period, although not by any means exhaustively. Enough were examined, 
however, to show reason for disparaging somewhat the work of the 
editors of the Official Records. Apparently, the editors, half of them 
northern S3rmpathlzers and half of them southern, proceeded upon a 
principle of selection that necessitated exchanging courtesies of omission. 

War of thb Rebellion. Compilation of the official records of 
the Union and Confederate armies (Washington), 129 serial 
volumes and an index volume. 

The volumes used extensively in the present work were, first series, 
volumes ill, viii, xiii, xxii, parts i and a, xxvi, part a, xxxiv, parts i, a, 
3, and 4. xli, parts i, a, 3, and 4, xlviii, parts i and a, liii, supplement; 
fourth series, volume iii. 

II. ALPHABETICAL LIST OF AUTHORITIES 

Abel, Annie Heloise. American Indian as slaveholder and seces- 
sionist (Cleveland, 1915). 

History of events resulting in Indian consolidation west of the 

Mississippi. 

American Historical Association Report, 1906, 333-450. 

Indian reservations in Kansas and the extinguishment of their 

titles. 

Kansas Historical Society Collections, vol. viii, 73-109. 
Anderson, Mrs. Mabel Washbournb. Life of General Stand 
Watie (Pryor, Oklahoma, 1915), pamphlet. 



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362 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Badbau, Adam. Military history of U. S. Grant (New York, 

1868), 3 vols. 
Bartlbs, William Lewis. Massacre of Confederates by Osage 

Indians in 1863. 

Kansas Historical Society Collections^ vol. iii, 62-66. 

Biographical Congressional Directory, 1774-1903. 

House Documents, 57th congress, second session, no. 458 (Washmg- 
ton, D.C., 1903). 

Blackmar, Frank W. Life of Charles Robinson (Topeka, 1902). 

Blaine, James G. Twenty years of Congress, 1860-1880 (Nor- 
wich, Connecticut, 1884- 1886), 2 vols. 

BoGGS, General William Robertson, C.S.A. Military reminis- 
cences (Durham, North Carolina, 1913). 

Borland, William P. General Jo. O. Shelby. 
Missouri Historical Revigvt^ vol. vii, 10-19. 

Boutwell, George Sewall. Renuniscences of sixty years in pub- 
lic affairs (New York, 1902), 2 vols. 

BoYDEN, William L. The diaracter of Albert Pike as gleaned 
from his correspondence. 

Nmo Age Magamne, March 1915, pp. 108-111. 

Bradford, Gamaliel. Confederate portraits. 

'7udah P. Benjamin," Atlantic Monthly, June, 1913; ^'Alexander H. 
Stephens," ibid., July, 1913; "Robert Toombs," ibid,, August, 1913. 

Britton, Wiley. Memoirs of the rebellion on the border, 1863 
(Chicago, 1882). 

The Civil War on the border (New York, 1899), 2 vols- 

Brotherhbad, William. General Fremont and the injustice done 
him. 

Yale University Library of American Pamphlets, vol. aa. 

Capers, Henry D. The life and times of C. G. Memminger 
(Richmond, 1893). 

Carr, Lucien. Missouri: a bone of contention, American Com- 
monwealth series (Boston, 1896). 

Chadwick, Admiral French Ensor. Causes of the Civil War, 
American Nation series (New York, 1907), vol. xix. 

Clayton, Powell. The aftermath of the Civil War in Arkansas 
(New York, 1915). 

CoNNBLLEY, WiLUAM E. James Henry Lane: the grim chieftain 
of Kansas (Topeka, 1899). 

Quantrill and the border wars (Cedar Rapids, 1910). 

CoRDLEY, Richard. Pioneer days in Kansas (Boston, 1903). 



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Selected Bibliography 363 

Cox, Jacob Dolson. Military reminiscences of the Civil War 

(New York, 1900), 2 vols. 
Crawford, Samuel J. Kansas in the sixties (Chicago, 191 1). 
Curry, J. L. M. Civil history of the government of the Confed- 
erate States with some personal reminiscences (Richmond, I90i)« 
Dana, C. A. Recollections of the Civil War (New York, 1898). 
Davis, Jbffbrson. Rise and fall of the Confederate government 

(New York, 1881), 2 vols. 
Davis, John P. Union Pacific Railway (Chicago, 1894). 
Dawson, Captain F. W. Reminiscences of Confederate service, • 

1861-1865 (Charleston, 1882). 
Drapbr, J. W. History of the American Civil War (New York, 

1867-1870), 3 vols. 
Dyer, Frederick H., compiler. Compendium of the war of the 

rebellion (Des Moines, 1908). 
Eaton, Rachel Caroline. John Ross and the Cherokee Indians 

(Menasha, Wisconsin, 1914). 
Edwards, John Newman. Shelby and his men (Cincinnati, 1867). 
Noted guerrillas, or the warfare of the border (Chicago, 

1877). 
Eggleston, George Cary. History of the Confederate war: its 

causes and conduct (New York, 1910), 2 vols. 
Evans, General Clement A., editor. Confederate military his- 
tory (Atlanta, 1899), 10 vols. 
Fisher, Sydney G. Suspension of habaes corpus during the war of 

the rebellion. 

Political Sciencg Quarterly, vol. iii, 454-488. 
FiSKE, John. Mississippi Valley in the Civil War (Boston, 1900). 
FiTE, Emerson David. Social and industrial conditions in the 

North during the Civil War (New York, 1910). 
FoRMBY, John. American Civil War (New York, 1910). 
Forney, J. W. Anecdotes of public men (New York, 1873-1881), 

2 vols. 
FouLKE, William Dudley. Oliver P. Morton, life and important 

speeches (Indianapolis, 1899), 2 vols. 
Gordon, General John B. Reminiscences of the Civil War 

(New York, 1903). 
Gorham, George C. Life and public services of Edwin M. Stan* 

ton (New York, 1899), 2 vols. 



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364 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 

Grant, Ulyssbs Simpson. Personal memoirs (New York, 1895), 
2 vols., new edition, revised. 

Grebnb, Francis Vinton. Mississippi, Campaigns of the Civil 
War series (New York, 1882). 

Grovbr, Captain Gborgb S. Shelby raid, 1863. 
Mittouri Historical Reviiw, vol. vl, i07-i2(. 

The Price campaign of 1864. 

Missouri Historical Revievf, vol. vi, 167-181. 

Hallum, John. Biographiad and pictorial history of Arkansas 
(Albany, 1887). 

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HosMER, Jambs Kendall. Appeal to arms, American Nation 
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Outcome of the Civil War, American Nation series (New 

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HoucK, Louis. History of Missouri (Chicago, 1908), 3 vok. 

Hull, Augustus Longstrbbt. Campaigns of the Confederate 
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Humphrey, Seth K. The Indian dispossessed (Boston, 1906), 
revised edition. 

Hunter, Moses H., editor. Report of the miUtary services of 
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Johnson, Robert Underwood and Clarence Clough Buel, editors. 
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Johnston, General Joseph E. Narrative of military operations 
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Johnston, Colonel Willl^m Preston. Life of General Albert 
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Lubbock, F. R. Six decades in Texas, or memoirs, edited by C. 
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McClurb, a. K. Abraham Lincoln and men of war times 
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McDouGAL, JuDGB H. C. A decade of Missouri politics, i860 
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Missouri Historical Revimo, vol. vii, 146-148. 
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INDEX 



Abbott, Jambs B: 204, fooinoU^ 2%6^ 
footnotg 

Abel, Anni« Heloiie: work cited in 
footnotes on ptget 14, 57, 75, 85, 
Z7a, 183, 190, aa(, 241, a6o 

Absentee Shawnees: 205, footnote 

AcaditDs: removal of, 304, footnote 

Adair, W. P: 368, footnote^ 277, 
footnote^ 336 and footnote 

Adams, C W: 333 

Ah-pi-noh-to-me : 108, footnote 

Aid rich, Cyrus: 335, footnote, 339, 
footnote 

Alexander, A. M: 367, footnote 

Allen's Battery: 146 

Allen County (Kans.): 83, footnote 

Aluktustenuke: 94, footnote, 108, foot- 
note 

Amnesty Proclamation: 333 

Anderson, Mrs. Mabel Washbourne: 
work cited in footnotes on pages 
137, 130^ 138, 194, X97, 371, 373, 
388 

Anderson, S. S: 365, footnote 

Arapahoes: 374, footnote 

Arizona Territory: 61-63 

Arkadelphia (Ark.): i6x 

Arkansans: circulate malicious stor- 
ies about Pike, 160^ footnote*, law- 
less, 364; unable to decide arbi- 
trarily about Indian movements, 
336 

Arkansas: regards McCulloch as de- 
fender, 15; Van Dom's requisi- 
tion for troops, 35; Federals oc- 
cupy northern, 34; Pike to call for 
aid, 36; attack from direction of, 
expected, 48; left in miserable 
plight by Van Dom, 138; army 
men exploited Pike's command, 
150; R. W. Johnson serves as del- 
egate from, 175; R. W. Johnson 



becomes senator from in the First 
Congress, 176; Thomas B. Hanly, 
representative from, introduces bill 
iqt establishment of Indian super- 
intendency, 176; disagreeable ex- 
periences of Indians in, 177; Pike 
recommends separation of Indian 
Territory from both Texas and, 
179; unsafe to leave interests of 
Indian Territory subordinated to 
those of, 346; political squabbles 
in, 349, footnote; Indian Home 
Guards not intended for use in, 
359; privilege of writ of habeas 
corpus suspended, 369; Blunt and 
Curtis want possession of western 
counties, 335 
Arkansas and Red River Superin- 
tendency: i8x; territorial limits, 
177; officials, 177-178; restrictions 
upon Indians and white men, 178; 
Pike recommends organization, 179 ; 
Cooper seeks appointment as su- 
perintendent, 179 
Arkansas Military Board: 15, x6 
Arkansas Post (Ark.): loss of, 370 
Arkansas River: mentioned, 165, 193, 
194, 316, 368, footnote, 373, foot' 
note, 895 ; Pike's headquarters near 
junction with Verdigris, 33; Pike 
to call troops to prevent descent, 
36; Indian refugees reach, 85; Ii^ 
dians flee across, 135; Campbell to 
examine alleged position of enemy 
south, 136; Federals in possession 
of country north of, 198; Stand 
Watie and Cboper pushed below, 
330; Phillips to hold line of, 351; 
Schofield desires control of entire 
length of course, 360; Blunt pa- 
trolling, 393 ; Stand Watie to move 
down, to vicinity of Fort Smith, 



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370 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



271, footnoU; Otftget, PotUwtto- 
miet, Cheycnnet, and othert to 
gather on, 274-375, footnoU; nat- 
ural line of defence, 315; seizure 
of supply boat on, 327 
Arkansas State Convention: 16 
Arkansas Volunteers: 60^ footnoU 
Armstrong Academy (Okla.): meet- 
ing of Indian General Council at, 
317; unfortunate delay of Scott in 
reaching, 320; Southern Indians 
renew pledge of loyalty to Con- 
federate States at, 323 
Army of Frontier: under Blunt, 196; 
regiments of Indian Home Guards 
part of, 196; encamps on old bat- 
tlefield of Pea Ridge, 197; grad- 
ual retrogression into Missouri, 
219, footnoU; District of Kansas 
to be separated from, 248 
Atchison and Pike's Peak Railway 

Company: 230 
Atrocities: Pike charged with giving 
countenance to, 30-31, 31, foot' 
noU; degree of Pike's responsibil- 
ity for, 32; repudiated by Chero- 
kee National Council, 32-33; be- 
come subject of correspondence be- 
tween opposing generals, 33; 
charged against Indians at Battle 
of Wilson's Creek, 34, footnoU; 
forbidden by Van Dorn, 36; guer- 
rilla, 44; influenced Halleck re- 
garding use of Indian soldiers, 
102; at Battle of Newtonia, 195; 
Blunt's army accused of, 248, 
footnote; Stand Watie's men com- 
mit, 332 

Baobau, Adam: work cited, 96, foot- 
nott 

Baldwin, A. H: 235, footnote 

Bankhead, S. P: given command of 
Northern Sub-DUtrict of Texas, 
286; Steele applies for assistance, 
290; fails to appear, 291; dissat- 
isfaction with, 306, footnote 

Barren Fork (Okla.): skirmish on, 

312 



Bartles, W. L: 237, footnote 

Bass's Texas Cavalry: 276, footnote^ 

303, footnote^ 306, footnote 
Bassett, Owen A: 123, footnote 
Bates County (Mo.): 58, 304, foot' 

note 
Baxter Springs (Kans.): location, 
121, 125, footnote; Weer leaves 
Salomon and Doubleday at, 121; 
Indian encampment at, 125, 129; 
negro regiment sent to, 259, 284; 
conmiissary train expected, 291; 
massacre at, 304 
Bayou Bernard: 163-164 
Beauregard, Pierre G. T: devises 
plans for bringing Van Dorn east, 
14, footnote^ 34; Hindman takes 
command under order of, 127, 186, 
footnote^ 190 
Belmont (Kansas.)': 274, footnote 
Benge, Pickens: 132 
Benjamin, Judah P: 22, 23, footnote ^ 

24, footnote^ 175, footnote 
Bennett, Joseph: 269, footnote 
Bentonville (Ark.): 29, 216 
Big Bend of Arkansas: 73, footnote^ 

274, footnote 
Big Blue Reserve: 235, footnote 
Big Hill Camp: 237, footnote 
Big Mountain: 148, footnote 
Billy Bowlegs: 68, footnote^ xo8, 

footnote^ 228, footnote 
Biographical Congressional Direc- 
tory: work cited, 59, footnote ^ 70, 
footnote 
Bishop, Albert Webb: work cited, 

219, footnote 
Black Beaver Road: 67, footnote 
Black Bob: 235, footnote^ 236, foot- 
note 
Black Bob's Band: 204; to be distin- 
guished from Absentee Shawnees, 
204-205, footnote; lands raided by 
guerrillas, 205 
Black Dog: 263, footnote 
Blair, Francis P: 49 
Blair, W. B: 290, footnote 
Bleecker, Anthony: 41, footnote 
Blue River (Okla.) : xxo 



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Index 



371 



Blunt, Jamet G: learnt of designs 
of Drew's Cherokees, 33; avenges 
burning of Humboldt^ 53 ; succeeds 
Denver at Fort Scott, 98; in com- 
mand of reistablished Department 
of Kansas, 106; reverses poliqr 
of Halleck and Sturgis, X06-107 
and foofnoU; promotion objected 
to, 107, footuoU; ideas on neces- 
sary equipment of Indian soldiers, 
X09; Weer reporU on subject of 
Cherokee relations, 136; forbids 
Weer to make incursion into ad- 
joining sutes, 139; orders white 
troops to support Indian Brigade, 
193-193; in charge of Army of 
Frontier, 196; plans Second In- 
dian Expedition, 196 and foot- 
notes; promises to return refugees 
to homes, 196, footnoti, 203; opin- 
ion touching profiteering, 308, axo- 
axx; issue between, and Coffin, axo- 
aix and footnoti; pronuses return 
home to refugee Cherokees, 3x3; 
vigorous poKqr, ax8; achieve- 
ments discounted by Schofield, 348, 
349; accusation of brutal murders 
and atrocities, 348, footnote; makes 
headquarters at Fort Leavenworth, 
349; wishes Phillips to advance, 
354f 357 > advancement of Scho- 
field obnoxious to, a6o; undertakes 
to go to Fort Gibson, a6x, a86; in 
conunand of District of Frontier, 
a86; victorious at Honey Springs, 
288-389; d^idcs to assume offen- 
sive, 393; no faith in Indian sol- 
diery, 394; transfers effects from 
Fort Scott to Fort Smith, 304; re- 
lieved by McNeil, 305; summoned 
to Washington for conference^ 333 
and footnote; restored to com- 
mand, 334; controversy with 
Thayer, 334 

Bob Deer: 68, footnote 

Boggs, W. R: 386, footnoU 

Boggy Depot (Okla.) : x63, 384, 295, 
footnote^ 396 and footnote 

Bogy, Lewis V: 335, footnote 



Bonham (Texas): 303-303 

Border Warfare: x6-x7, 44 

Boston Mountains: McCulloch and 
Price retreating towards, 36, foot' 
note; to push Confederate line 
northward of, X93 

Boudhiot, Elias C: Cherokee dele- 
gate in Confederate Congress, x8o; 
submits proposals to Cherokees, 
379; active in Congress, z^% foot- 
note; coadjutor of Cooper and 
relative of Stand Watie, 300; 
Steele forwards letter from, 307, 
footnote; Steele believes, responsi- 
ble for opposition, 3xx; urges plan 
of brigading upon Davis, 3x7; 
suggests attaching Indian Terri- 
tory to Missouri, 3x7, footnote^ 
3x8, 33X, footnote; reports to 
Davis, 33X 

Bourland, James: 3x3, footnoU 

Bowman, Charles S: xo8 

Branch, H. B: 48, footnote, 51, foot- 
^^^9 74i footnote, 116; charges 
against, 334, footnote 

Breck, S: 334, footnote 

Britton, Wiley: work cited in foot- 
notes on pages 30^ 33, 30, 35, 50^ 
51. 5*1 55i "3i «x8, X36, X3X, X33, 
X46, X94, X96, X97, X98, 3x6, 3x8, 
a37i H9, asoi a57» 260, 37X, 373 

Brooken Creek (Okla.) : 395, footnote 

Brooks, William: 46, footnote, 47, 
footnote 

Brown, E. B: xx9, footnote, 137 

Brown, John: 43, footnote 

Browne, William M: X73, footnote 

Bryan, G. M: 393, footnote 

Buchanan, James: 4X, 70, footnote 

Buffalo Hump: 65, footnote 

Burbank, Robert: 77, footnoU 

Bureau of Indian Affairs: created in 
Confederate War Dept, X73 and 
footnote 

Burlington (Kans.): 80 

Bums, Robert: 36 

Bushwhackers: X35, 336, footnote, 
339, footnote, 260, 366, footnote 

Buster, M. W: X94, footnoU 



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372 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Cabell, A. S: 270, footnoU 
Cabell, W. L: 277, footnoU, 284 md 

footnote, 287, a89, 29a, 297 
Cabin Creek (Okla.): 131. 283-386 

and footnote t 332 
Caddoes: reported loyal to U. S., 66, 
footnote; in First Indian Expedi- 
tion, 115, footnote; encamped at 
Big Bend, 274, footnote 
Calhoun, Jamea S: 260^ footnote 
Caniden Campaign (Ark.): 326-327 
Cameron, Simon: 56, 60, footnote, 72 
Camp Bowen: 219, footnote 
Camp Imochiah: 288, footnote 
Camp Mclntoih: zz2, 153 
Camp Quapaw: 146 
Camp Radziwintski (Radziminski?): 

153 
Camp Ross, 255 
Camp Stephens: 32, 35 
Campbell, A. B: 8z 
Campbell, W. T: tent to reconnoitre, 

136; halts at Fort Gibson, 136 
Canadian River: 129, 162, 164, 293, 

327 
Canby, E. R. S: 335 
Cane Hill (Ark.) : 28, footnote, 218 
Cantonment Davis (Okla.): estab- 
lished as Pike's headquarters, 22; 
Indians gather at, 27; Cooper at, 
169; Cooper's force flee to, 198 
Carey's Feriy (Okla.) : 192 
Carey's Ford (Okla.) : 126 
Carney, Thomas: 211, footnote; 
named as suitable commissioner, 
233, footnote 
Carr, Eugene A: 30, footnote 
Carriage Point: xzz, footnote 
Carrington^ W. T: 296, footnote 
Carruth, E. H: teacher among In- 
dians, 59, 64, footnote; furthers 
plan for inter-tribal council, 69; 
suspected of stirring up Indian 
refugees against Coffin, 87-88 and 
footnote; refugee Creeks want as 
agent, 89; satisfied with appoint- 
ment to Wichita Agency, 89; sent 
on mission, 122 and footnote, 133; 



in Cherokee Nation, 195, footnote; 
disapproves of attempting return of 
refugees, 209 ; Martin and, arrange 
for inter-tribal council, 273-275, 
footnote 
Carter, J. C: 208, footnote 
Cass County (Ma): 304, footnote 
Cassville (Mo.) : 293 
Century Company's War Book: work 

cited, 13, footnote 
Central Superintendency: Z16-117 
Chapman, J. B: 222 and footnote, 

229, footnote 
Chap-Pia-Ke: 69, footnote 
Charles Johnnycake: 64, footnote 
Chatterton, Charles W: 214, footnote 
Cherokee Brigade: 309 
Cherokee country: 193, 194 
Cherokee Delegate: xii, footnote, 

z8o 
Cherokee Expedition: 73, footnote 
Cherokee Nation: 47, footnote, 74, 
footnote, xzz, footnote; Clarkson 
to take command of all forces 
within, Z30; future attitude under 
consideration, Z33; Weer suggests 
resumption of allegiance to U. S., 
Z34; Weer proposes abolition of 
slavery by vote, Z34, footnote; in- 
tention to remain true to Confed- 
eracy, Z35; cattle plentiful, Z45; 
Hindman designs to stop opera- 
tions of wandering mercantile 
companies, Z56; maintenance of 
order necessary, Z92; archives and 
treasury seized, Z93; Carruth and 
Martin in, Z95, footnote; Dela- 
ware District of, Z97; deplorable 
condition of country, 2Z7; Boudi- 
not, delegate in Congress from, 
299, footnote; Quantrill and his 
band pass into, 304 
Cherokee National Council: ratifies 
treaty with Confederacy, 28, foot" 
note; opposed to atrocities, 32-33; 
resolutions against atrocities, 33; 
assemblies, 255-256 ; legislative 
work, 256-257; Federal victory at 



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Index 



373 



Webber's Falli prevents conven- 
ing; 271 ftnd footnote; passage of 
bill relative to feeding destitute 
Indians, 2771 footnote; adopts res- 
olutions commendatory of ' Blunt's 
work, 305, footnote; Stand Watie 
proposes enactment of conscrip- 
tion law, 339 

Cherokee Neutral Lpands (Kans.) : 
47, footnote, 53, lai, 125, footnote; 
refugee Cherokees collect on, 2x3; 
refugees refuse to vacate, 2x4; 
Pomeroy advocates confiscation of, 
224; John Ross and associates 
ready to consider retrocession of, 
231-232 and footnote 

Cherokee Strip (Kans.): 79 

Cherokee Treaty with Confederaqr: 
ratified by National Council, 28, 
footnote; Indians stipulated to fight 
in own fashion, 32 

Cherokees: unwilling to have Indian 
Territory occupied by Confederate 
troops, 15; civil war impending, 
29; disturbances stirred up by bad 
white men, 47, footnote, 48; effect 
of Federal defeat at Wilson's 
Creek, 49; attitude towards seces- 
sion, 63, footnote; in First Indian 
Expedition, 1x5, footnote; driven 
from country, xx6; flee across Ar- 
kansas River, X35; exasperated by 
Pike's retirement to confines of In- 
dian Territory, 159; outlawed, par- 
ticipate in Wichita Agency trag- 
edy, 183; demoralizing effect of 
Ross's departure, 193; secessionist, 
call convention^ X93; should be 
protected against plundering, X95, 
footnote; refugee^ on Drywood 
Creek, 209, footnote, 2x3 ; repudiate 
alliance with Confederacy, 232; 
approached by Steele through medi- 
um of necessities, 276 ; charge Con- 
federacy with bad faith, 279-28 x; 
asked to give military land grants 
to white men in return for protec- 
tion, 279-281 ; Blunt thinks superior 



to Kansas tribes, 294; intent upon 
recovery of Port Gibson, sxx; 
troops pass resolution of refnlist- 
ment for war, 328-329 

Chicago Tribune: 75, footnote 

Chickasaw Batulion: X52, 155; Ton- 
kawas to furnish guides for, X84, 
footnote 

Chickasaw Home Guards: X84, foot' 
note 

Chickasaw Legislature: 306, footnote, 
329, footnote 

Chickasaw Nation: Pike arrested at 
Tishomingo, 200; funds drawn up- 
on for support of John Ross and 
others, 2x5, footnote; Phillips com- 
municates with governor, 323, foot' 
note 

Chidnsaws: discord within ranks, 
29; attitude towards secession, 63, 
footnote ; delegation of, and Creeks, 
and Kininola, 65, footnote; plun- 
dered by Osages and Comanches, 
207, footnote; refugee, given tem- 
porary home; 2x3 ; dissatisfied with 
Cooper, 265, footnote; disperse, 323 

Chiekies: 66, footnote 

Chillicothe Band of Shawnees: 236, 
footnote 

Chilton, W. P: 173, footnote 

Chipman, N. P: 207, footnote 

Chippewas: 2x2 

Choctaw and Chickasaw Battalion: 

as, 3a 

Choctaw Battalion: X52, 1$$ 

Choctaw Council: considers Blunt's 
proposals, 302; deposition towards 
neutrality, 306, footnote; Phillips 
sends conununicatioD to, 323, foot- 
note 

Choctaw Militia: 3xx-3X2, 3x2, foot- 
note 

Choctaw Nation: Pike withdraws in- 
to^ xxo; Robert M. Jones, delegate 
from, in Congress, 299, footnote; 
proposed conscription within, 328 

Choctaws: discord bred by unscrupu- 
lous merchants, 29; attitude to- 



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374 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



wards tecestion, 63, footnoU; refu- 
gee, given temporary home, 2x3; 
waver in allegiance to South, lao; 
sounded by Phillips, 254; little re- 
cruiting possible while Fort Smith 
is in Confederate hands, 258-259; 
Steele entrusts recruiting to Tandy 
Walker, 265 ; no tribe so complete- 
ly secessionist as, 290; protest 
against failure to supply with arms 
and ammunition, 301; proposals 
from Blunt known to have reached, 
302; cotton, 308-309, footnote; be- 
stir themselves as in first days of 
war, 311; principal chief opposes 
projects of Armstrong Acadeno^ 
council, 321; want confederacy 
separate and distinct from South- 
em, 321, footnote; do excellent ser- 
vice in Camden campaign, 326 

Choo-Loo-Foe-Lop-Hah Choe: talk, 
68, footnote; signature, 69, footnote 

Chouteau's Trading House: 329, foot- 
note 

Christie: 305, footnote 

Chustenahlah (Okla.): 79 

Cincinnati (Ark.): 28, 35 

Cincinnati Gazette: 58, footnote^ 88, 
footnote 

Clariroore: 238, footnote 

Clark, Charles T: 82, footnote 

Clark, George W: 158 and footnote 

Clark, Sidney: 104, footnote 

Clarke, G. W: 22 

Clarkson, J. J: assigned to supreme 
command in northern part of In- 
dian Territody, 129-130; applies 
for permission to intercept trains 
on Sanu F^ road, 129, footnote; 
at Locust Grove, 131; surprised in 
camp, 131, footnote; made prison- 
er, 132; Pike's reference to, 158; 
placed in Cherokee country, 159, 
footnote 

Clarksville (Ark.): 287-288, footnote 

Clay, Clement C: 176, footnote 

Cloud, William F: 193, 297 

Cochrane, John: 56-57 



Coffee, J. T: 113 and footnote^ 125 

Coflin, O. S: letter, 82 and footnote 

Coffin, S. D: 208 

Coffin, William G: testifies to dis- 
turbances among Osages, 46, foot' 
note; pays visit to mint of Hum- 
boldt, 54, footnote; plant for in- 
ter-tribal council, 69; orders coun- 
termanded for enlistment of In- 
dians, 77; learns of refugees in 
Kansas, 80; compelled by settlers to 
seek new abiding-place for refu- 
gees, 86; refugees lodge complaint 
against, 87 and footnote; military 
enrollment of Indians conducted 
under authority of Interior Depart- 
ment, 105 and footnote; applies for 
new instmctions regarding First 
Indian Expedition, 105; dispute 
with Elder, 1x6-117, 207, footnote; 
anxious to have Osage offer ac- 
cepted by refugee Creeks, 207-208, 
footnote; disapproves of Blum's 
plan for early return of refugees, 
209; issue between Blunt and, 2x0- 
2X1 ; contract with Stettaner Bros, 
approved by Dole, 2xx, footnote; 
urges removal of refugees to Sac 
and Fox Agency, 2x2; visits refu- 
gee Cherokees on Neutral Lands, 
213 ; deti^ils Harlan and Proctor to 
care for refugee Cherokees at Neo- 
sho, 2x4; drafts Osage treaty of 
cession, 229; suggests location for 
Indian colonization, 233; would re- 
ward Osage massacrers, 238, foot- 
note; prevails upon Jim Ned to 
stop jayhawking; 274, footnote 

Colbert, Holmes: 207, footnote 

Colbert, Winchester: X84, footnote 

Coleman, Isaac: 209 

Collamore, George W: career, 87, 
footnote; investigation into condi- 
tion of refugees, 87, footnote 

Colorado Territory: likely to be men- 
aced by Southem Indians, 6x; con- 
ditions in, 61, footnote; recrait- 
ing officers massacred by Osages, 



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Index 



375 



2S8» footnote; political squabbles 
in, a49, footnote; harassed by In- 
dians of Plains, 320; made part 
of restored Department of Kansas, 
sax 

Comanches: Pike's negotiation with, 
63, footnote, 65, footnote, 173, foot' 
note; peaceable and quiet, ixa; 
this side of Suked Plains friendly, 
153; Osages and, plunder Chicka- 
saws, 207, footnote; reported en- 
camps at Big Bend, 274, footnote 

Confederates: disposition to over-es- 
timate size of enemy, 30, footnote; 
defeat at Pea Ridge decisive, 34; 
should concentrate on saving coun- 
try east of Missbsippi, 34; retreat 
from Pea Ridge, 35; possible to 
fraternize with Federals, 44; vic- 
torious at Drywood Creek, 51-52; 
in vicinity of Neosho, 127; no 
forces at hand to resist invasion 
of Indian Territory, 147; defeat 
at Locust Grove counted against 
Pike, x6x; Cherokee country aban- 
doned to, 193; in possession as far 
north as Moravian Mission, 194; 
victory at Newtonia, 194-195 and 
footnotes; ill-success on Cowskin 
River and at Shirley's Ford, 197; 
flee to Cantonment Davis, 198 ; of- 
ficers massacred by Osages, 237- 
238, footnote; grants to Indian 
Territory, 250; foraging and scout- 
ing occupy, 253; distributing relief 
to indigents, 258 

Congress, Confederate: authorizes 
Partisan Rangen, xxa; Arkansas 
delegates testify to Van Dorn's 
aversion for Indians, 148, footnote; 
act of regulating intercourse with 
Indians, 169; act for establishing 
Arkansas and Red River Superin- 
tendency, 177-178; concedes rights 
and privileges to Indian delegates, 
299, footnote 

Congress, United States: 71, 76, foot' 
note, 86 and footnote, 99; circum- 



stances of refugees well-aired in, 
209; gives president discredonary 
power for relief of refugees, 209; 
Osages memorialize for civil gov* 
emment, 229 and footnote; act au- 
thorizing negotiations with Indian 
tribes, 231 ; decides to relieve Kan- 
sas of Indian encumbrance, 294 

Connelley, William E: work cited, 43 
and footnotes on pages 51, xox, 
205, 239 

Conway, Martin F: 72, footnote, 88, 
footnote, X07, footnote 

Cooley, D. N: 205, footnote 

Cooper, Douglas H: colonel of First 
Regiment Choctaw and Chickasaw 
Mounted Rifles, 25; communicates 
with Pike, 29, footnote; objects to 
keeping Indians at home, 31, foot* 
note; arrives at Camp Stephens, 
32, 35; protects baggage train on 
way to Elm Springs, 35; recom- 
mends Indians as guerrillas, xza; 
ordered to repair to country north 
of Canadian River, 129, 154; or- 
ders Indian leaders to report at 
Fort Davis, 137; regiment goes out 
of service, 153; views on employ- 
ment of Indians, 159 and footnote; 
Pike to hand over command to, 
162; transmits Pike's circular, 167, 
169; orders arrest of Pike, 169; 
calls for troops from all Indian 
nations, 174, footnote; seeks to be- 
come superintendent of Indian af- 
fairs, 179; appointment withheld 
because of inebriety, i8z; to at- 
tempt to reenter southwest Mis- 
souri, X94; after Battle of New- 
tonia obliged to fall back into Ar- 
kansas, 197; under orders from 
Rains, plans invasion of Kansas, 
Z97; defeated in Battle of Fort 
Wayne, 197-198; in disgrace, 198; 
Steele preferred to, 246; not rank- 
ing officer of Steele, 247, foot' 
note, 300^ footnote; force poorly 
equipped, 248, footnote; apparent- 



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376 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



\y bent upon annoying Steele, 265; 
can get plenty of beef, aya; influ- 
ences to advance, at expense of 
Steele^ ayS, 306 and footnote \ or- 
ders Stand Watie to take position 
at Cabin Creek, a84-a85; ammuni- 
tion worthless at Honey Springs, 
a88 ; Boudinot and, intrigue togeth- 
er, 300; headquarters at Fort 
Washita, 303, footnote; manifests 
great activity in own interests, 303 ; 
Quantrill and band reach camp of, 
304; plans recovery of Fort Snuth, 
309; opposed to idea of separating 
white auxiliary from Indian forces, 
310; raises objection to two bri- 
gade idea, 316; Boudinot and, ad- 
vise formation of three distinct In- 
dian brigades, 317; placed in com- 
mand of all Indian troops in 
Trans-Mississippi Department on 
borders of Arkansas, 3x9; declar- 
ed subordinate to Maxey, 319; be- 
gins work of undermining Maxey, 

333-334 
Cooper, S: z% footnote^ xaS, footnote 
Corwin, David B: 144 
Corwin, Robert S: a3i, footnote 
Cottonwood River (Kana.) : 85, foot' 

note 
Cowskin Prairie (Mo. and Okla.): 

Stand Watie's engagement at, 1x3 ; 

encampment on, 1x9, xao^ footnote; 

affair at, erroneously reported as 

Federal victory, 1x9, footnote; 

Round Grove on, xa6 ; scouts called 

in at, X38 
Cowskin River: X97 
Crawford, John: 48, ax4, footnote 
Crawford, Samuel J: work cited, 

xox, footnote^ X94, footnote^ X97, 

footnote; at Battle of Fort Wayne, 

X97 
Crawford Seminary: 46, 50 
Creek and Seminole Battalion: as 
Creek Nation: 6a, footnote^ xxx, foot' 

note; Clarkson to take command 

of all forces within, X30; Pike ne- 



gotiates treaty with, X73, footnote 

Creeks: delegation of, and Chicka- 
saws and Kininola seek help at Le- 
roy, 65, footnote; desert Opoeth- 
le-yo-ho-la, 76, footnote; constitute 
main body of refugees in Kansas, 
8x; compose First Regiment In- 
dian Home Guards, XX4 and foot- 
note; company authorized by Pike, 
X73, footnote; refugee, offered 
home by Osages, ao7 and footnote; 
refugee, given temporary home by 
Sacs and Foxes of Mississippi, ax3 ; 
unionist element attempts tribal 
re-organization, aa8; views re- 
garding acconunodation of other 
Indians upon lands, a33; Senate 
ratifies treaty with, a34; reject 
treaty, a35; Phillips sounds, a54; 
Phillips learns that defection has 
begun, 2$6; refuse to charge, a7a; 
nature and extent of disaffection 
among, a7a-a73 and footnote; ad- 
dress Davis, a78 ; bad conduct com- 
plained of by Steele, a85, footnote; 
inevitable effect of Battle of Honey 
Springs upon, a90,* Blunt's offen- 
sive and Steele's defensive, 301; 
proposals of Blunt known to have 
reached, 30s; disperse among fast- 
nesses of mountains, 3a3 

Cross Timber Hollow (Ark.): 30^ 
footnote 

Currier, C. F: 67, footnoU 

Curtis, Samuel R: in charge of South- 
western District of Missouri, a6- 
a7; estimate of number of troops 
contributed by Pike, 30, footnote; 
instructed to report on Confederate 
use of Indians, 33, footnote; vic- 
tory at Pea Ridge complete, 34; 
surmise with respect to movements 
of Stand Watie and others, xao^ 
footnote ; resents insinuations 
against military capacity of Blunt 
and Herron, a49; Lane opposed to 
Gamble, Schofield, and, a49, foot' 
note; regrets sacrifice of red men 



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Index 



377 



in white man's quarrel, 250; callt 
for Phillipt to return, 259; suc- 
ceeded by Schofield, 260; in com- 
mand of restored Department of 
Kansas, 321; arrives at Fort Gib- 
son, 324 
Cutler, George A: council held at 
Leroy by, 62, footnoti; at Fort 
Leavenworth, 74, footnoti; order- 
ed by Lane to transfer council to 
Fort Scott, 74, footnoti; reports 
Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la in distress, 76, 
footnoti; refugees complain of 
treatment, 87; approves of early 
return of refugees, 209 ; calls Creek 
chiefs to consider draft of treaty, 
233 

Dana, Charles A: 126, footnoti, 324, 
footnoti 

Danley, C C: 15 

Davis, Jefferson: work cited, 14, foot' 
noti; urged to send second general 
officer out, 15-16; McCulloch's sac- 
rifice of Confederate interests in 
Nfissouri reported to, 18; unfavor- 
able to Price and to his method of 
fighting, 18-19 ; report of Pike sub- 
mitted to, 2z; Cooper, in name of, 
orders Ross to issue proclamation 
calling for fighting men, 137; cor- 
respondence with Pike, 167-168; 
recommends creation of bureau of 
Indian affairs, 172; appoints Pike 
diplomatic agent to Indian tribes,* 
173, footnoti; signs bill for estab- 
lishment of southern superintend- 
ency, 176; Pike makes important 
suggestions to, 179; offers explan- 
ation for non-pajrment of Indian 
inooeys, 179, footnoti; inconsistent- 
qr of, 187; refusal to accept Pike's 
resignation, 190; orders adjutant- 
general to accept Pike's resigna- 
tion, 200; lack of candor in ex- 
plaining matters to Holmes, 269; 
Creeks address, 278 ; replies to pro- 
test from Flanagin, 287, footnoti; 



opposed to surrendering part to 
save whole, 297, footnoti; consid^ 
ers resolutions of Armstrong Acad- 
emy council, 3x7; addresses In- 
dians through principal chiefs, 3x8 
and footnoti; objects making In- 
dian Territory separate depart- 
ment; 318-3x9; knowledge of eco- 
nomic and strategic importance of 
Indian Territory, 33X 
Davis, John S: 80, footnoti 
Davis, William P: 80^ footnoti 
Dawson, C. L: X50, footnoti, X52, 

i53> 154* footnoti 
Deitzler, George W: 97, footnoti 
Delahay, M. W: 222, footnoti 
Delaware Reservation (Kans.): lo- 
cation, 206; store of Carney and 
Co. on, 21 X, footnoti 
Delawares: interview of Dole with, 
77, footnoti; in First Indian Ex- 
pedition, XX3, footnoti, XX5, foot' 
noti; from Cherokee country made 
refugees, xx6, 206; wandering, im- 
plicated in tragedy at Wichita 
Agency, X83; eager to enlist, 207; 
request removal of Agent Johnson 
and Carney and Co. from reserva- 
tion, 2XX, footnoti; wild, involved 
in serious trouble with Osages, 274, 
footnoti 
Democratic Party: 47, footnoti 
De Morse, Charles: 266, footnoti, 

330, footnoti 
Denver, James W: career, 70; pop- 
ular rejoicing over prospect of re- 
call, 72, footntiti; learns of pres- 
ence of refugees in Kansas, 80; as- 
signed by Halleck to conunand of 
District of Kansas, 97; Lane and 
Pomeroy protest against appoint- 
ment, 97; later movements, 98 and 
footnoti; co5perates with Steele 
and Coffin to advance preparations 
for First Indian Expedition, X02; 
removal from District of Kansas 
inaugurated "Sturgis' military des- 
potism," X04 



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378 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Department no. a: 19 
Department of Arkanias: 321 
Department of Indian Territory: Pike 
in conmiand, 20; relation to other 
military units, az ; Pike deplores ab- 
sorption of, 151; Pike's appoint- 
ment displeasing to Elias Rector, 
i8z, footnote \ created at suggestion 
from Pike, 189 
Department of Kansas: Hunter in 
conmiand, 27, 61, 70; consolidated 
with Department of Missouri, 96; 
reestablished, xo6 and footnote \ 
Blunt assigned to command, 106, 
1x8; restored, Curtis in command, 
321 
Department of Mississippi: 96, 105 
Department of Missouri: Halleck in 
command, 27, 61 ; consolidated with 
Department of Kansaa, 96 
Department of Mountain: 96 
Department of Potomac: 96 
Department of West: 27, 61 
De Smet, Father: 234 
De Soto (Kans.) : 236, footnote 
Dickey, M. C: 226 and footnote 
District of Arkansas: Hindman in 
command, 192; Price in command 
during illness of Holmes, 299, 
footnote; Price succeeds Holmes, 
326 
District of Frontier: Blunt in com- 
mand, 286; McNeil relieves Blunt, 
305; Schofield institutes investiga- 
tion^ 305, footnote 
District of Kansas: Denver assigned 
to command of, 97; Sturgis assign- 
ed to, 98; checks progress of First 
Indian Expedition, 105; Schofield 
advises complete separation from 
Army of Frontier, 248; re-consti- 
tuted with headquarters at Fort 
Leavenworth, 249 
District of Texas: 306, footnote^ 3x8, 

footnote 
Dole, R. W: 74, footnote, 114, foot' 

note 
Dole, William P: 53, footnote, 54, 



footnote; absent on mission to 
West^ 60; submits new evidence 
of serious state of affairs among 
Indians, 6x ; authority of U. S. over 
Indians to be maintained, 6x; 
Lane's plans appeal to^ 72-73; dis- 
appointed over Stanton's reversal 
of poliqr for use of Indian troopa, 
76; countermands orders for en- 
listment of Indians, 77; warned 
that army supplies to refugees to 
be discontinued, 83; Coffin and 
Ritchie apply for new instructions 
regarding First Indian Expedition, 
X05-X06; reports adversely upon 
subject of Lane's motion, 223 ; mo- 
tives considered, 225; submits 
views on Pomeroy's project for 
concentration of tribes, 230, foot- 
note; undertakes mission to West, 
234; treaties made by, 234 et seq,; 
detained by Delawares and by 
Quantrill's raid upon Lawrence, 
238-239 and footnote; negotiates 
with Osages at Leroy, 239 and 
footnote; treaties impeachable, 24X 

Dorn, Andrew J: mentioned, 263, 
footnote, 264, footnote; avowed se- 
cessionist, 47, footnote 

Doubleday, Charles: 1x4, footnote; 
colonel of Second Ohio Cavalry, 
118; Weer to supersede, XX9; pro- 
poses to attempt to reach Fort Gib- 
son, 1x9; desirous of checking 
Stand Watie, X19; indecisive en- 
gagement on Cowskin Prairie, xx9 
and footnote ; ordered not to go inr 
to Indian Territory, x2o; left at 
Baxter Springs by Weer, X2x 

Downing, Lewis: 23X, footnote, 255, 
256 

Drew, John: dispersion of regiment, 
24, X32 ; movements of men at Pea 
Ridge, 32; finds refuge at Camp 
Stephens, 35; authorized to fur- 
lough men, xxx, footnote; regi- 
ment stationed in vicinity of Park 
Hill, xxx, footnote; desires Clark- 



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Index 



379 



■on placed in Cherokee country, 
159, footnoU 

Drywood Creek (Kant.) : Federal de- 
feat at, 51 and footnoU; Price 
breaks camp at^ 5a, footnoU; fugi- 
tive Indians on, 195, footnote, 209, 
footnote; Cherokee camp raided by 
guerrillas, 213-214 

Du Bote, J. J: a88, footnote 

Duval, B. G: a66, footnote 

Dwight's Mission: 217 

East BoocT (Okla.): 296 

Eaton, Rachel Caroline: work cited, 

257, footnote 
Echo Harjo: 278, footnote 
Edgar County (111.) : 84, footnote 
Edwards, John Newman: work cited 

io footnotes on pages 14, 151, 194, 

Elder, Peter P: 48, footnote, 204; 
makes Fort Scott headquarters of 
Neosho Agenqr, 50; disputes with 
Coffin, 116-X17, 207, footnote; pre- 
vails upon Ottawas to extend hos- 
pitality to refugees, 2x3, footnote; 
suspicious of Coffin, 229 

Elk Creek (Okla.): Kiowas select 
home on, 153; Cooper encamps 
on, 287, footnote 

Elkhom Tavern (Ark.) : 30 and 
footnote 

Ellithorpe, A. C: 105, footnote, 1x5, 
footnote, X3X, footnote; with de- 
tachment at Vann's Ford, X44; dis- 
approves of attempting to return 
refugees at early date, 209-2x1 and 
footnote; complains of Opoeth-le- 
yo-ho-la, 2x9, footnote; opinion 
about Indian Home Guards, 251 

Elm Springs (Ark.) : 35 

El Paso (Tex.) : 48 

Emancipation Proclamation: Fr^ 
mont's, 57; Lincoln's, 234 

Evansville (Ark.) : 28 

Ewing; Thomas: 304, footnote, 32X, 
footnote 

"Extremists": 305, footnote 



Faolhavbn (Mass.): 3x, footnote 
FaU River (Kans.) : 79, 8x, 82, foot- 
note, 84-85, 273, footnote 
False Wichita (Washiu) River 

(Okla.): 153 

Famswoffth, H. W: 205, footnote, 
236, footnote 

Fayetteville (Ark.): 28, footnote, 
256; battle of, 2x8, footnote 

Federals: early encounter with, an- 
ticipated by Van Dorn, 20; expul- 
sion from Missouri planned by 
Van Dorn, 26; drive back Confed- 
erates under McCulloch and Price, 
26; disposition to over-estimate 
number of enemy, 30, footnote; 
attempt to recover battery seized 
by Indians at Leetown, 31; in oc- 
cupation of northern Arkansas, 34 ; 
defeat at Wilson's Creek, 49; de- 
feat at Drywood Creek, 5X-52 and 
footnote; showing unwonted vigor 
00 northeastern border of Chero- 
kee country, xx2, footnote; flight, 
1x3, footnote; Stand Watie on 
watch for, X30; defeat in Battle 
of Newtonia, X94-X95 and foot' 
notes; direct efforts towards ar- 
resting Hindman's progress, 2x8; 
grants to Indian Territory, 250; 
foraging and scouting, 253 ; in pos- 
session of Fort Smith, 290; Steele 
places drive from Fort Smith to 
Red River, 31 x; fail to pursue 
Stand Watie, 3x2 

First Choctaw Regiment: under Col. 
Sampson Folsom, 152; ordered to 
Fort Gibson, X55; men unanimous- 
ly reinlist for duration of war, 
328; demands, 328 

First Creek Regiment: commanded 
by D. N. Mcintosh, 25 ; men gath- 
er at Cantonment Davis, 27; two 
hundred men gather at Camp 
Stephens, 32; about to make ex- 
tended scout westward, xxa; under 
orders to advance up Verdigris to* 
ward Santa F^ road, X52 



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380 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Pint IndiaD Brigade: 327 

First Indian Expedition: had begin- 
nings in Lane's project, 41; re- 
vival of interest in, 99; Denver, 
Steele, and Coffin co5perate to ad- 
vance, zoa; arms go forward to 
Leroy and Huraboldt, xoa; time 
propitious for, Z03 ; policy of Stur- 
gis not yet revealed, 103-Z04; 
Steele, Denver, and Wright in dark 
regarding; Z03, footnote \ Steele is- 
sues order against enlistment of 
Indians, Z05; vigor restored by re- 
establishment of Department of 
Kansas, zo6; orders for resuming 
enlistment of Indians, zo6-zo7; or- 
ganization proceeding apace, zz3 
and footnoti; outfit of Indians de- 
cidedly inferior, zzy; Weer ap- 
pointed to command of, zzy and 
footnote; Doubleday proposed for 
command of, zz8; existence ignor- 
ed by Missourians, zz9, footnote; 
destruction planned by Stand Wa- 
tie and others, 120 and footnote; 
Weer attempts to expedite move- 
ment, zaz; special agents accom- 
pany, Z3z-za2 and footnote; com- 
ponent parU encamp at Baxter 
Springs, zas; First Brigade put 
under Salomon, zas; Second Bri- 
gade put under Judson, zas; <^<^~ 
vance enters Indian Territory un- 
molested, za6; forward march and 
route, za6; Hindman proposes to 
check progress, za9; march, Z30; 
delicate position with respect to 
n. S. Indian policy, Z34; troubles 
begin, Z38 ; supplies insufficient, Z38 ; 
in original form brought to abrupt 
end, Z43 ; Pike's depreciatory opin- 
ion, Z64 and footnote; Osages join 
conditionally, 207 and footnote; 
Gillpatrick serves ends of diplo« 
maqr between John Ross and, 27Z 

First Kansas: 97, footnote 

First Missouri Cavalry: zz3 

First Regimetit Cherokee Mounted 



Rifles: commanded by John Drew, 
as ; joins Pike at Smith's Mill, 28 ; 
movements and conduct at Pea 
Ridge, 3a; iniquitous designs, 33; 
stationed in vicinity of Park Hill, 
zzz, footnote; defection after de- 
feat at Locust Grove, Z32 

First Regiment Choctaw and Chick- 
asaw Mounted Rifles: comnunded 
by Cooper, as; gathers at Camp 
Stephens, 3a; goes out of service, 
153 1 two companies post themselves 
in upper part of Indian Territory, 
155! eight companies encamp near 
Fort McCulIoch, zss ; fights valiant- 
ly at Battle of Newtonia, Z94 

Flanagin, Harris: 370, footnote, 287, 
footnote 

Folsom^ Sampson: zsa, zss 

Folsom, Simpson N: zsa 

Foreman, John A: Z44, 284, 28s 

Formby, John: work cited, z9, foot' 
note 

Fort Arbuckle (Okla.) : zs, 60, foot- 
note, Z84 and footnote 

Fort Blunt (Okla.) : 260 

Fort Cobb (Okla.): zs, 60, footnote, 
zza, ZS3, 27s, footnote; about to 
be abandoned by Texan volunteers, 
>73> footnote; McKuska appointed 
to take charge of remaining prop- 
erty, Z74, footnote 

Fort Davis (Okla.): Campbell dis- 
covers strong Confederate force at, 
Z36; Cooper orders Indians to re- 
port at, Z37; many of buildings 
destroyed by order of Phillips, 220 
and footnote, 2S4 

Fort Gibson (Okla.): Pike's head- 
quarters not far from, 22; Choc- 
taw troops guard road by Perry- 
ville towards, zza; Hindman or- 
ders Pike to establish headquarters 
at, za8, footnote; Campbell halts 
at, Z36; Weer inclined to wander 
from straight road to, Z39; newly- 
fortified, given name of Fort Blunt, 
260; Blunt undertakes to go to. 



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Index 



381 



261 ; Cooper learnt of approadi of 
train of suppliea for, 27a, footnote; 
Creeks obliged to stay at, 273, foot' 
note; Phillips despatches Foreman 
to refofdrce Williams, 284; Steele's 
equipment inadequate to taking of 
Fort Gibson, 286, 290-291; Phil- 
lips continues in charge at, 305; 
Cherokees intent upon recoveiy, 
311; Phillips to complete fortifi- 
cations at, 325; rapid changing of 
commands at, 333, 335 

Fort Larned (Kans.) : 112, 152 

Port Leavenworth (Kans.) : 73, foot- 
note, 123, footnote; protected, 45; 
Prince in charge at, 55; troops or- 
dered to^ 60, footnote; Hunter sta- 
tioned at, 69, footnote; anns for 
Indian Expedition to be deliyered 
at, ICO 

Fort Lincoln (Kans.): 52 

Fort McCulloch (Okla.): construct- 
ed under Pike's direction^ no; 
Pike to advance from, X19, foot' 
note; Pike's force at, not to be de- 
spised, X28; Cherokees exasperat- 
ed by Pike's continued stay at, 159 ; 
Pike departs from, 162 

Foit Roe (Kans.) : 80^ 85 

Fort Scott (Kans.): 2x3, 2x4; Lane 
at, 45, 51; chief Federal strong- 
hold in middle Southwest, 46 ; tem- 
porary headquarters for Neosho 
Agency, 50; abandoned by Lane in 
anticipation of attack by Price, 52 ; 
Indian council transferred to, 74, 
footnote; Blunt succeeds Denver at, 
98 ; tri-weekly post between St Jo- 
seph and, xx6; supply train from, 
waited for, 126; Indians mustered 
in at, 132; Weer cautioned against 
allowing communication to be cut 
off, X38-139; Phillips's communi- 
cation with, threatened, 272; Steele 
plans to takt, 286 

Fort Smith (Ark.): Drew's Chero- 
kees marching from, to Fayette- 
ville, 28, footnote; troops ordered 



withdrawn from, 60, footnote; 
Choctaw troops watch road to, xxa; 
indignation in, against Pike, 158; 
martial law instituted in, 162, foot- 
note; attempt to make permanent 
headquarters for Arkansas and 
Red River Superintendency, 176- 
X77; plans to push Confederate 
line northward of, X92; conditions 
in and around, 247, 269, footnote; 
Phillips despairs of Choctaw re- 
cruiting while b Confederate 
hands, 258-259; Steele takes com- 
mand a^ 261; door of Choctaw 
country, 290; becomes Stunt's head- 
quarters, 304; Steele expecte Fed- 
erals to attempt a drive from, to 
Red River, 3xx; included within 
restored Department of Kansas, 
32x; dispute over jurisdiction of, 
324; included within re-organized 
Department of Arkansas, 325; In- 
dian raids around, 33X 

Fort Smith Papers: work cited, X50, 
footnote 

Fort Towson (Okla.) : 330 

Fort Washita (Okla.) : X5, 60, foot- 
note, 303, footnote 

Fort Wayne (Okla.): in Delaware 
District of Cherokee Nation, 197; 
battle of, October 22, 1862, X97» 
2XX, 2x6, 249 

Fort Wise (Colo.) : 152 

Foster, R. D: 47, footnote 

Foster, Robert: 47, footnote 

Foulke, WiUiam Dudley: work cit- 
ed, 43, footnote 

Fourteenth Kansas Cavalry: 322 

Fourteenth Missouri Slate Militia: 

"3 

Fourth Kansas Volunteers: X17, foot- 
note 

Franklin County (Kans.): 50, foot- 
note 

Frtoont, John C: removal of, 13; 
sends out emergenqr call for men, 
48; failure to support Lyon, 49; 
no co5rdination of parte of army 



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382 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



of, 56; emancipatioo proclaoMitioii, 
57; put in charge of Department 
of Mountain, 96 
Frontier Guards: 45, footnote 
Fuller, Perry: 88 and footnoti, an, 

footnote, 2xa, 23s 
Furnas, Robert W: 105, footnote \ 
letter to Dole, 107-108; becomes 
ranking officer in field, 143; made 
commander of Indian Brigade, 144 

Gamble, HAMn.TON R: 119, footnote^ 
249, footnote^ ado 

Gano, Richard M: 306, footnote, 332 

Gano's Brigade: 306, footnote 

Garland, A. H: 14^, footnote, 270, 
footnote 

Garland, Samuel: 3x2, footnote, 321 

Gillpatrick, Doctor: sent under flag 
of truce to Ross, 135; bearer of 
verbal instructions, 193, 217, foot* 
note; death, 271 

Granby (Mo.) : lead mines, 20; aban- 
doned, 20^ footnote; plan for re- 
covery, 194 

Grand Falls: 47, footnote 

Grand River (Okla.): 284; Cowskin 
Prairie on, 119; Second Indian 
Home Guards to examine country, 
126; Salomon places Indians as 
corps of observation on, 14a, 144; 

Grand Saline (Okla.) : 112, 131, foot- 
note, 139 

Grayson County (Texas) : 190 

Great Father: 46, footnote, 240-241, 
footnote, 272-273, footnote 

Greene, Francis Vinton: work cited, 
14, footnote 

Greenleaf Prairie (Okla.) : 272 

Greeno, H. S: 136, 137 

Greenwood, A. B: 222, footnote 

Guerrillas: Indian approved by Pike, 
22 and footnote, 112; not present 
in Sherman's march, 44; Halleck 
interested in suppression of, xox; 
operations checked by Hindman in 
Indian Territory, 194; Quantrill 
and, raid Black Bob lands and 



Olathe, 205; poliqr of Confeder- 
ate government towards, 205, foot' 
note; attacks disturb Shawnees, 
236, footnote; raid Cherokee refu- 
gee camp on Drywood Creek, 2x3- 
2x4; everywhere on Indian fron- 
tier, z6o; perpetrate Baxter Springs 
Massacre, 304; are recruiting sta- 
tions in certain counties of Mis- 
souri, 304, footnote 

Hadlbt, Jbrbmiah: 236, footnote 
Halleck, Henry W: in command of 
Department of Missouri, 27; plans 
for Denver, 7X; disparaging re- 
marks, 75, footnote; probable rea- 
son for objecting to use of Indians 
in war, 75, footnote; in charge of 
Department of Mississippi, 96; 
Lincoln's estimate of, 96; instruct- 
ed regarding First Indian Expedi- 
tion, xoo; opposed to arming In- 
dians, xox; interested in suppres- 
sion of jayhawkers and guerrillas, 
xox ; well rid of Kansas, xo6, foot- 
note; disregard of orders respect- 
ing Indian Expedition, X09; calls 
for men, 259 
Hallum, John: work cited, X49, foot- 
note 
Halpine, Charles G: 96 
Hanly, Thomas B: 176 
Hardin, Captain: 276, footnote 
Harlan, David M: 232, footnote 
Harlan, James: 2x4 and footnote 
Harper's Ferry Investigating Com- 
mittee: 226-227 
Harrell, J. M: work cited in footnotes 
on pages 23, X49, x88, X90^ X94, 
249, 25X, 284, 289 
Harris, Cyrus: 63, footnote 
Harris, John: 207, footnote 
Harris, J. D: 152 
Harrison, J. E: 267, footnote 
Harrison, LaRue: 259 
Harrisonville (Mo.) : 55 
Hart's Company: 266, footnote 
Hart's Spies: X53 



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Index 



383 



Hay, John: work cited in footnotes on 
pages 41, 45, 96 

Hubert, Louis: 34 

Helena (Ark.): 283 

Henning, B. S: 207, footnote 

Hemdon, W. H: 214, footnote 

Herron, Francit J: 249, ado 

Heth, Henry: 19 

Hindman, Thomas C: 1x9, footnote; 
appointment, 127, footnote; assumes 
command of Trans-Mississippi Dis- 
trict, 128, 186; disparagement of 
Pike's command, 128, footnote; or- 
ders Pike's white auxiliary to move 
to Little Rock, 147; begins contro- 
versy with Pike, 156; starts new 
attack upon Pike, x6z; justifica- 
tion for treatment of Pike, 162; 
impossible to be reconciled to Pike, 
163; withdraws approval of Pike's 
resignation, 169; placed in charge 
of District of Arkansas, 192; ap- 
pears in Tahlequah, 193; sum- 
moned by Holmes, 194; instructed 
to let Pike go free, 200; resorts to 
save expense, 247; recall demand- 
ed by Arkansas delegation, 270; 
associates appraised by, 270^ foot' 
note; asks for assignment to In- 
dian Territory, 270, footnote; feeds 
indigents at cost of army commis- 
sary, 307 

Hitchcock, £. A: 98, footnote 

Ho-go-bo-foh-yah: 82 

Holmes, Theopbilus H: 127, footnote, 
z66, footnote; appointed to com- 
mand of Trans-Mississippi De- 
partment, 187; develops prejudice 
against Pike, x88 ; grants Pike leave 
of absence, 190; real reasons for 
unfriendliness to Pike, X98-X99 ; or- 
ders arrest of Pike, X99; forced 
to concede Indian claim to some 
consideration, 200; command placed 
under supervision of Kirby Smith, 
269; relations with Hindman, 269; 
displacement demanded by Arkan- 
sas delegation, 270; Price com- 



mands in District of Arkansas dur- 
ing illness, 299, footnote; not friend 
of Steele, 31 X 
Honey Springs (Ark.) : 288 
Horse Creek (Mo.): 145 
Horton, Albert W: 230, footnote 
Hoseca X Maria: 65, footnote 
Hubbard, David: 172, footnote 
Hudson's Crossing (Okla.): X26, X43 
Humboldt (Kani.): 69, 79; proposed 
headquarters of Neosho Agency, 
52; sacked and burnt by marauders, 
53; Coffin's account of burning of, 
54, footnote; Kansas Seventh or- 
dered to give relief to refugees, 
82, footnote; Kansas Tenth at, 82, 
footnote; Jennison with First Kan- 
sas Cavalry at^ 99, footnote 
Hunter, David: falls back upon Se- 
dalia and Rolla, 13, 26; in com- 
mand of Department of Kansas, 
27, 65-66; Lane placet men at dis- 
posal, 4x, footnote; guards White 
Houses 45, footnote; appointment 
distasteful to Lane, 66-69; station- 
ed at Fort Leavenworth, 69, foot' 
note; orders relief of refugees, 
73, footnote; issues passes to In- 
dian delegation, 73, footnote; in- 
terviewed at Planter's House in St. 
Louis, 74, footnote; friction be- 
tween Lane and, 74-76; suggests 
mustering in of Kansas Indians, 
74-75» footnote; Halleck's stric- 
tures upon command, 75, footnote; 
sends relief to refugees, 8x ; warns 
that army supplies to refugees 
must cease, 83 ; relieved from com- 
mand, 96; troubles mostly due to 
local politics, 97 
Hutchinson, C. C: 55. footnote, 2x2, 
213, footnote 

Illinois Crbbk: battle of, 2x8, foot- 
note 

Illinois River: 28, 3x2 

Indian Alliance with Confederaqr: 
conditioned by stress of drcum- 



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384 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



ttances, 134; Creeks ftDd ChocUwt 
diaguited with, 254; Cherokee Na- 
tional Council revokes, 356; In- 
diana fear mituke, 273-274; effect 
of Battle of Honey Springs upon, 
390; strengthened by formation of 
Indian league, 3x7; revitalized by 
Maxey's reforms, 326 

Indian Confederacy: formed by Choc- 
taws, Chickasaws, Creeks, Semin- 
oles and Caddoes, 317; Choctaws 
want separate from Southern, 321, 
footnoti 

Indian Brigade: formed, 144; scout- 
ing of component parts of, 145- 
X46; white troops ordered to sup- 
port of, 192-193; Phillips given 
command, 249; integral parts, 249, 
250^ footnote I assigned service, 
250; regarded by Phillips sis in 
sad state, 251 

Indian Delegation: 6a, footnote^ 73, 
footnoti^ 74, footnote \ Dole inters 
viewed in Leavenworth, 94; Osage 
wants conference with Great Fatb- 
er, 240^ footnote \ Creek, confers 
with Steele, 262, footnote \ Davis 
disregards, 3x8 and footnote 

Indian Home Guards: Fifth Regi' 
ment, 2x9 and footnote; First Reg" 
iment, Furnas, colonel command- 
ing, X07, 143; muster roll, xo8- 
X09, footnote; composed of Creeks 
and Seminoles, 1x4; ordered to take 
position in vicinity of Vann's Ford, 
X44; demoralization, 145; compo- 
nent part of Phillips's Indian Bri- 
gade, 249; composed mainly of 
Cneeks, 25 x; fought dismounftd 
at Honey Springs, 288; Fourth 
Regiment, 2x9 and footnote; SeC' 
ond Regiment, X25; Third Regi' 
ment, formation, 132; Phillips 
commissioned colonel of, X32; de- 
tachment at Fort Gibson, X44; en- 
gagement, X63-X64, X94, X97; com- 
ponent part of Phillips's Indian 
Brigade, 249; largely Cherokee in 



composition, 252; innovations in- 
troduced into, 252; part placed at 
ScuUyville, 325 

Indian Protectorate: 175 

Indian Indigents: 247, 262, 307-308 
and footnote 

Indian Refugees: Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la 
and his men, 79; numbers justified 
use of Indian soldiery, 79; num^ 
hers exaggerated, 8x, 209 and foot* 
note; destitution, 8x; Dr. Campbell 
ministers to needs, 8X-82; Seventh 
Kansas gives relief, 82, footnote; 
Coffin describes pitiable state, 82 
and footnote; Snow furnishes de- 
tails of destitution of Seminole, 83, 
footnote; army supplies to be dis- 
continued, 83; Kile made special 
distributing agent, 84; much-dis- 
eased, 85; hominy, chief food, 85, 
footnote; Neosho Valley selected as 
suitable place for, 86; complain of 
treatment, 87 ; Collamore and Jones 
investigate condition, 87, footnote; 
unwilling to remove to Sac and 
FoK reservation, 88 and footnote; 
Creek request appointment of Car- 
ruth as agent, 89; manifest confi- 
dence in Lane's power, 94; unas- 
suaged grief, 95; subsistence be- 
comes matter of serious moment, 
99 ; Congress applies Indian annuity 
money to support of, 99; want to 
assist in recoveiy of Indian Terri- 
tory, 99 ; to furnish troops for First 
Indian Expedition, 100; Halleck op- 
posed to arming of, xoi ; Blunt ad- 
vises early return to own country, 
X36; numbers increase as result of 
Salomon's retrograde movement, 
X46, footnote, 203; Blunt promises 
to restore to homes, X96, 203; of 
Neosho Agency, 204-207 and foot- 
notes; Creek offered home by 
Osages, 207 and footnote; condi- 
tions among; 208; Cherokee on 
Drywood Creek, 209; distributed 
over Sac and Fox Agency, 2x2- 



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385 



2x3; collect on Neutral Lands, 2x3 
and footuotg; camp of Cherokee 
raided by guerrillas, 2x3-2x4; Har- 
land and Proctor to look out for, 
at Neosho, 2x4; claim of Sacs and 
Foxes against Creek, 235, footnotg; 
Phillips's reasons for returning to 
homes, 25S; at Neosho returned to 
homes, 273 and footnoU; cattle 
stolen, 274, footnote \ on retimi 
journey preyed upon by compa- 
triots, 33a 

Indian RepreMntation in Confeder- 
ate Congress: xSo^ 279, 29S-299, 
footnote 

Indian Soldiers (Confederate): as 
Home Guard, 23-24; as possible 
guerrillas to prey upon Kansas, 
23 and footnote; as corps of ob- 
servation, 25; refuse to move un- 
til paid, 27; conduct at Battle of 
Pea Ridge, 30-33; not included in 
Van Dom's Kheme of things, 35; 
Van Dom orders return to own 
country, 35; order to cut off sup- 
plies from Missouri and Kansas, 
35-36; may be rewarded by Pike, 
36; Pike's report on activity, xxa; 
Hindman's appraisement, xaS, foot" 
note; stigma attaching to use, X48, 
footnote; organized in military way 
for own protection, X59; do scout- 
ii^ft <^3> Smith to raise and com- 
mand certain, X73, footnote; Pike 
to receive five companies from 
Seminoles, X73, footnote; Leeper 
to enlist from Reserve tribes, 173- 
X74, footnote; Cooper calls from 
all Indian nations, 174, footnote; 
as Home Guard, X89; privations 
and desertions, 200; threw away 
guns at Battle of Honey Springs, 
288; recruiting, 3x7, 3x9; results 
under best conditions, 326-327 ; con- 
sider reSnlistment, 328; recogni- 
tion of services, 330 

Indian Soldiers (Federal): feasibil- 
ity of, 50, 57; Fr6mont and Rob- 



inson not in favor of, 57; Hunter 
suggests making, out of Kansas 
tribes, 74-75, footnote; Stanton re- 
fuses to employ, 76 and footnote; 
use justified, 79; economy, 99; to 
form larger part of First Indian 
Expedition, xoo; Halleck opposed 
to^ xox, xo(s; Dole instructs offi- 
cers to report at Fort Leavenworth, 
X02, footnote; necessary equipment, 
X09; final preparations, X2x; ap- 
pearance, X23 and footnote; excel- 
lent for scouting, X25; at Locust 
Grove, X3X, footnote; accused of 
outrages conunitted by white men, 
>35f footnote; do scouting, 163; 
tribute of praise for, X95, footnote; 
made part of Army of Frontier, 
X96; diverted to service in Mis- 
souri, 196 ; dcMrtions, 203 and foot* 
note; do well at Cane Hill and 
Prairie Grove, 2x8-2x9; disposed 
to take leave of absence, 252; to 
help secure Indian Territory, 294; 
negro regiment compared with In- 
dian, 295 

Indian Springs (Ga.): treaty, 255, 
footnote 

Indian Territory: McCulloch expect- 
ed to secure, 15; included within 
Trans-Mississippi District, 20; 
troops of, 25; Pike to endeavour 
to maintain, 36; attack from, ex- 
pected, 48; Frtaiont calls for aid, 
48; situation delicate, 59-60; left 
destitute of protection, 60; Hunt- 
er's suggestion, 75, footnote; first 
refugees from, 79; 'Hiome," 93; 
early return promised, 94; expedi- 
tions to recover, projected, 95 and 
footnote; refugees want to recov- 
er, 99; Stand Watie returns into, 
XX3; Carruth and Martin to take 
note of conditions in, xaa and foot- 
note; Pike's force for defence of, 
exclusively, X29; Indian Brigade 
holding its own there, X46; Pike's 
Indian force ordered to northern 



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386 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



border, 148; Pike attempt! juttifi- 
catioo of retirement to southern 
part, 151 ; Pike declares Indian of- 
ficers peers of white, 158-159; de- 
fence regarded by Pike as chief 
duty, Z59; strategic importance not 
unappreciated by Confederate gov- 
ernment, 171 ; attached for judicial 
purposes to western district of Ar- 
kansas, 177; Confederate govern- 
ment fails to carry out promise, 
177, footnote \ Pike advises com- 
plete separation of, 179; Scott to 
investigate conditions in, z8z ; Pike 
returns to, 190; included within 
District of Arkansas, 192; guerril- 
la warfare in, suppresMd, 194; 
Federals in undisputed possession 
of, 198; Holmes exploiting, 199; 
Indian alliance valuable, 201; Ab- 
sentee Shawnees expelled from, 
205, footnote; Blunt advises speedy 
return of refugees, 209; Confeder- 
ates plan recovery, 218; Lane in- 
troduces resolution for adding, to 
Kansas, 223; Dole objects to reg- 
ular territorial form of govern- 
ment in, 223; Kansas tribes will- 
ing to exchange lands for homes 
in, 227 ; project for concentration of 
tribes in, 230, footnote \ negotiations 
for removal of Kansas tribes to, 
231; depletion of resources, 245, 
^7 > organized as separate military 
command, 245 and footnote; troops 
to be all unmounted, 247; adver- 
tised as lost to Confederate cause, 
250; conception of responsibility 
to, 253; Phillips's plans for recov- 
eiy not at present practicable, 257; 
strategic importance unappreciat- 
ed by Halleck and Curtis, 259 ; Cur- 
tis to take consequences of saving 
up> >59f privilege of writ of ha^ 
beas corpus suspended in, 269; 
Hindman asks for assignment to, 
270^ footnote; is mere buffer, 276; 
Cooper poses as friend of, 278, 



300; Creeks complaint to Davis, 
279; Confederate operations con- 
fined to attacks upon supply trains, 
283; removal of all Kansas In- 
dians to^ 294; roads and highways 
in, 295-296, footnote; necessary to 
Confederacy, 298, footnote; Scott 
enters, 300; command devolved up- 
on Cooper, 303 ; made distinct from 
Arkansas, 303; Magruder wants 
attached to District of Texas, 306, 
footnote; war measures applied to, 
308-309; Maxey in command of, 
311; Indian Home Guards only 
Federal forces in, 312; granary of 
Trans-Mississippi Department, 315; 
Boudinot's suggestions regarding, 
3x7, footnote; council requests be 
made separate department, 3x8; 
Davis objects, 3x8-319; included 
within restored Department of 
Kansas, 321; Phillips starts upon 
expedition through, 322; Price asks 
for loan of troops from, 326; stra- 
tegic importance of, 331; scandal- 
ous performances in, 333 

Indian Trust Funds: 173-174 

Indians of Plains: regarding alliance 
with, 320^ 335 ; harass Kansas and 
Colorado, 320 and footnote^ 335 

Interior Department: 73, footnote^ 
X05 and footnote; profiteering 
among employees, 208; Lane and 
Wilder make request, 230^ footnote 

Inter-tribal Council: at Leroy, 62-69, 
footnotes; Lane's plans for at head- 
quarters, 69; Leroy selected as the 
place for, 69; sessions of, 69-70; 
Hunter's plans for, at Fort Leav- 
enworth, 70^ 74, footnote; Lane 
orders transfer to Fort Scott, 74, 
footnote; at Belmont, 237, foot- 
note; at Armstrong Academy, 3x7, 
320^ 323 

lola (Kans.): 88, footnote; Double- 
day concentrates near, 120^ foot- 
note; Osages advance as far as, 
207 footnote 



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387 



Ionics: 274, footnote 
lowat: 77, footnote 
Ironeyct: 115, footnote 
Iroquoit: 79 

Jackson, Claiboiinb: 16, 17, 50^ foot* 
note 

Jackson County (Mo.) : 304, footnote 

Jacksonport (Ark.): 25 

Jan-nch: 109, footnote 

Jayhawkers: 41, footnote, 97, loi, 
251, 266, 268» footnote, 2(9, 273, 
footnote 

Jayhawking Expedition: 73, footnote, 
274, footnote 

Jennison, C. R: 50^ footnote, $2, foot- 
M'^t 99f footnote, 104, footnote 

Jewell, Lewis R: 131 

Jim Ned: 274, footnote 

Jim Pockmark: 6$, footnote 

John Jumper: in command of Creek 
and Seminole Battalion, 25; on 
side of Confederacy, 62, footnote; 
ordered to take Fort Lamed, 112; 
Seminole Battalion in motion to- 
ward Salt Plains^ 152; honour con- 
ferred upon, by Proyisional Con- 
gress, 174, footnote; renegade 
members from Seminole Battalion 
of, involved in tragedy at Wichita 
Agency, 183; loyal to Pike, 200; 
member of delegation to Davis, 
3x8, footnote; Phillips sends com- 
munication to, 323, footnote 

John Ross Papers: work cited, 28, 
footnote 

Johnson and Grimes: 308, footnote 

Johnson, P: 207 and footnote, 21 x 

Johnson, Robert W: 24, footnote, 25, 
footnote, 175, 176 

Johnson County (Kans.) : 204, 235, 
footnote 

Johnston, Albert Sidney: 14, footnote, 
19 and footnote, 26 

Joint Committee on Conduct of War: 

S3» S3» footnote 
Jones, Evan: 64, footnote, 73, foot' 
note; investigates conditions among 



refugees, 87, footnote; accompan- 
ies Weer, X2x ; entrusted with con- 
fidential message to John Ross, 
X2X-X22; pleads for justice to In- 
dians, 225 and footnote; offers to 
negotiate about Neutral Lands, 231 

Jones, J. T: 213, footnote 

Jones, Robert M: x8o and footnote 

Jon-neh: zo8, footnote 

Jordan, A. M: 2x4, footnote 

Jordan, Thomas: 128, footnote 

Journal of the Confederate Congress: 
work cited in footnotes on pages 
172, 173, 174, 175, 278 

Judson, '^Uiam R: 134; in charge 
of Second Brigade of First Indian 
Expedition, 125 

Kansans: fighting methods, 17, 44; 
implacable and dreaded foes of 
Missouri, x8; fears attack from 
direction of Indian Territory, 48; 
profiteering among, 208; covet In- 
dian lands, 22X, 224 

Kansas: Indians on predatory exped- 
itions into, 23; Indians to form 
battalion, 23, footnote; Indians to 
cut off supplies from, 35-36; bill 
for admission signed by Budianan, 
41; exposed to danger, 45; troops 
called to Missouri, 48; Price has 
no immediate intention of invad- 
ing, 52; Indian enlistment, 57; 
likely to be menaced by Southern 
Indians, 6x; Territory, 70; refu- 
gees afflicted sorely, 93; desire to 
recover Indian Territory, 95; Hal- 
pine makes derogatory remarks 
about, 96; not desired in Halleck's 
command, 96, footnote; revolution 
to have been expected, X04, foot' 
note; Pike's Indians to repel in- 
vasion of Indian Territory from, 
X48; Pike tries to prevent cattle- 
driving to^ Z73, footnote; failure 
of com crop in southern part^ 209 ; 
people want refugees removed 
from southern, 2x2; refugees plun- 



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388 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



dering in, ai8; resolution for ex- 
tending southern boundary, 223; 
proposition to confederate tribes of 
Nebraska and of, 227; negotiations 
begun to relieve, of Indian en- 
cumbrance, 228; project to con- 
centrate tribes of, in Indian Ter- 
ritory, 230, footnou; negotiations 
with tribes of, 231; political 
squabbles, 249, footnote; Wells's 
command on western frontier, 2(7, 
footnote; stolen property brought 
into, 273, footnote; Steele plans to 
invade, 2S6; advisability of mak- 
ing raid considered, 320; Stand 
Watie contemplates an invasion, 

Kansas Brigade: See Lame's Kansas 

Brigade 
Kansas Legislature: 42, 71, footnote, 

Kansas Militia: 50^ footnote 
Kansas River: 206 
Kansas Seventh: 82, footnote 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill: 17, 44 
Kansas Tenth: 82, footnote 
Kaws: 226, 236 and footnote 
Kaw Agency (Kans.): 55> ^5 
Kechees (Keeches?): 115, footnote 
Ke-Had-A-Wah: 65, footnote 
Keith, O. B: 230 
Ketchum, W. Scott: 119, footnote 
Kickapoos: reported almost unani- 
mously loyal to U. S., (6, footnote; 
in First Indian Expedition, 1x5, 
footnote; implicated in tragedy at 
Wichita Agency, 183; fraudulent 
negotiation with, 230 and footnote; 
confer with Carruth, 274, footnote 
Kile, William: special agent to refu- 
gees, 84; refuses appointment as 
quartermaster, X15, footnote; mis- 
understanding with Ritchie, Z15, 
footnote ; estrangement betweeen 
Coffin and, 208 and footnote; resig- 
nation, 208, footnote;, advises 
speedy return of refugees, 209 
Killebrew, James: 50, footnote 



King; John: 2(9, footnote 

Kininola: 65, footnote 

Kiowas: 1x2; select home on Elk 

Creek, 153; friendly, 153, footnote; 

confer with Carruth, 274, footnote 
Knights of Golden Circle: xii, foot' 

note 

Lane, H. 8: 146, footnote 

Lane, James Henry: character, 41, 
$6; enthusiasm, 41, 49; influence 
with Lincoln, 41-42; elected sena- 
tor from Kansas, 42; accepts col- 
onelcy and bes^ns recruiting, 43; 
not to be taken as type, 45; re- 
doubles efforts for organizing bri- 
gade, 49; empowered to recruit, 
50; conceives idea of utilizing In- 
dians, 50^ 57; abandons Fort Scott, 
52; throws up breastworks at Fort 
Lincoln^ 52; proceeds to seek re- 
venge in spite of Robinson's op- 
position, 55; burns OKeola, 55; at- 
titude towards slavery, 56; sug- 
gests re-organization of militaiy 
districts on frontier, 58; discon- 
certed by appointment of Hunter, 
66-69; plans for inter-tribal coun- 
cil, 69; Denver had measured 
swords with, 70; control over Fed- 
eral patronage in Kansas, 71 ; nom- 
inated brigadier-general, 71; fric- 
tion between Hunter and, 74-76; 
instructed by anti-Coffin conspira- 
tors, 88, footnote; protests to Lin- 
coln against appointment of Den- 
▼c^ 97; succeeds in preventing ap- 

' pointment of Denver, 98 ; responsi- 
ble for Blunt's promotion, X07, 
footnote; Phillips appointed on 
staff, X26, footnote; endorses re- 
quest of Agent Johnson, 207, foot- 
note; introduces resolution for ex- 
tending southern boundary of Kan- 
sas, 223; denounces Stevens as de- 
faulter, 226, footnote; opposed to 
Gamble, Schofield, and Curtis, 249, 
footnote; belongs to party of Ex- 



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389 



tremiits, 305, footnote; requetU 
that Blunt be summoned to Wash- 
ington for conference, 323, footnote 

Lane» W. P: 266, footnote 

Lane's Kansas Brigade: 41, 43, 49, 
Sh 58; 59» 71 ; relation to Hunter's 
command, 72 and footnote; ma- 
rauding committed, 75, footnote; 
prospective Indian element dis- 
pensed with, 77 

Lawler, J. J: 204, footnote 

Lawrence (Kans.): 62, footnote, 73, 
footnote; Quantrill's raid upon, 
238, footnote; Dole detained by 
raid upon, 239 

Lawrenceburg (Ind.): 43> footnote 

Lawrence Repuhiican: 58, footnote 

Leased District (Okla.) : 181-182, 198 

Leavenworth Dailf Conservative i 58, 
footnote 

Lee, Robert £: 186, footnote, 187 

Lee, R. W: 307, footnote 

Leeper, Matthew: authorized to en- 
list men, 173, footnote; departs for 
Texas, 183; murder, 183 

Leetown (Ark.): 30, 31 

Leroy (Kans.) : 86, 229, 239 and foot* 
note; arrangements for keeping 
cattle, 54, footnote; Lane builds 
stockades, 55; council held by Cut- 
ler at, (2, footnote; substituted for 
Humboldt as place for council, 69; 
sessions of council, 69-70; Indian 
Brigade left, for Humboldt, Z15, 
footnote; Weer returns to, i2t; 
some Quapaws at, 204, footnote; 
Osages at, 207; Blunt thinks refu- 
gees not properly cared for, 2x5; 
Dole negotiates with Osages at, 239 
and footnote 

Lexington (Mo.): 52, footnote^ 55 

Limestone Gap: xxx, footnote 

Limestone Prairie: 328 

Lincoln, Abraham: 71, 72 and foot- 
note, 21 X, footnote; suggests Hunt- 
er's falling back, 13 ; calls for vol- 
unteers, 41; approached by Phelps 



and Blair, 49; popularity assert- 
ed, 54, footnote; fears Fremont's 
supineness, 56; Lane urged to seek 
interview with, 58; appointment 
of Cameron mistake, 60; attention 
solicited by Dole, 6x; sickness in 
family, 76, footnote; refugees ap- 
peal to, 87 and footnote; estimate 
of Halleck, 96; protests to, against 
appointment of Denver, 97; wires 
HaUeck to defer assignment of 
Denver, 97-98; responsible for 
Blum's promotion, 107, footnote; 
Ross to intercede with, 192, foot' 
note; inquires into practicability 
of occupying Cherokee country, 
2x6; selects Schofield to succeed 
Curtis, 260; Anmesty Proclamation 
distributed among Indians, 322 

Lindsa/s Prairie: 2x6 

Linn County (Kans.): xox, footnote 

Lipans: 274, footnote 

Little Arkansas River: 275, footnote 

Little Bear: 240, footnote 

Little Bear Band of Osages: 238, 
footnote 

Little Blue River (Okla.) : xsx, foot- 
note 

Little Boggy (Okla.): xx2 

Little Osage River: 45, 52 

Little Rock (Ark.): 36, 63, footnote, 
X90; Van Dom assumes command 
at, 25; Hindman assumes com- 
mand at, X28; Hindman orders 
Pike to move part of forces to, 
Z47 ; Scott endeavours to interview 
Holmes in, 299 

Livermore, William Roscoe: work 
cited in footnotes on 260, 269, 270 

Locust Grove (Okla.): skirmish at, 
33, X3X-X32; Clarkson's conunfis- 
sary captured at, X38; defeat of 
Cdnfederates at, counted heavily 
against Pike, x6x 

Lo-ka-la-chi-ha-go: X09, footnote 

Lo-ga-po-koh: X09, footnote 

Long Tiger: X03, footnote 



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390 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Longtown Creek (OkU.): >95> f^^^' 
noU 

Louisiana: portion . included within 
Trans-Mittissippi District, ao; 
requisition upon, for troops, 25; 
portion included within Trans- 
Mississippi Department, 193 and 
footnote \ western, detached from 
Trans-Mississippi Department, 246 

Love, William DeLoss: work cited 
in footnotes on pages zi8, 138 

Lower Creeks: 62, footnote 

Lyon, Nathaniel: work to be repeat- 
ed, 14; insight into Indian char- 
acter, 48; death, 49 

McClbllan, Geokob B: 13, 75, foot- 

note, 96 
McClish, Fraser: 62, footnote 
McCulloch, Ben: refuses to codperate 
with Price, 14, 56; takes position 
in Arkansas, 15; relations with 
leading Confederates in Arkansas 
and Missouri, t(; little in common 
with Price, 17; indifference to- 
wards Missouri, 18; proceeds to 
Richmond to discuss matters in 
controversy, 19; driven back into 
northwestern Arkansas, 26; death, 
31, 34; had approved of using In- 
dians against Kansas, 31, footnote; 
commission from, found on John 
Matthews, 54, footnote; had di- 
verted Pike's supplies, 147-148 
McCulloch, Henry £: in command 
of Northern Sub-district of Texas, 
302; opinion of conditions in In- 
dian Territory, 306, footnote 
McCurtain, J: 312, footnote 
McDaniel, James: 231, footnote 
McDonald, Hugh: 173, footnote 
McGee's Residence: 47, footnote 
Mcintosh, Chilly: 25, 62, footnote, 

151 
Mcintosh, D. N: colonel in command 
of First Creek Regiment, 25; ar- 
rives at Camp Stephens, 32; under 
orders to advance up Verdigris to- 



ward Santa F^ road, 152; conduct 
as commander, 285, footnote; com- 
manded First and Second Creek 
at Honey Springs, 288 
Mcintosh, James: 29, footnote; death, 
31, 34; defeated Opoeth-le-yo-ho- 
la in Battle of Chustenahlah, 79 
Mcintosh, Unee: 62, footnote 
Mcintosh, William: 255, footnote 
Mackey's Salt Works (Okla.) : 325 
McNeil, John: 297 and footnote, 305 
Magazine Mountains: 266, fotnote 
Magruder, John Bankhead: to com- 
mand Trans-Mississippi Depart- 
ment, t8(; delay, i8(, footnote; 
appointment, rcKinded, 187; orders 
Bankhead to Steele's assistance, 
291-292; propose! consolidation of 
conunands for recovery of Forts 
Smith and Gibson, 30a; tries to 
deprive Steele of white force, 306, 
311, footnote; wantt Indian Ter- 
ritoiy attached to Texas, 306, foot- 
note 
Manypenny, George W: 22z 
Marmaduke, John S: 251, 327 
Marston, B. W: 329, footnote 
Marque and Reprisal Law: 2z 
Martial Law: z(2 and footnote 
Martin, George W: work cited, 59, 

footnote 
Martin, H. W: entrusted with mis- 
sion by Coffin, 122 and footnote^ 
Z33; opinion regarding refugees, 
209, 217-2x8; arrangements for in- 
ter-tribal council, 273, footnote 
Martin's Regiment: 308, footnote 
Marysville (Okla.): tza 
Matthews, John: incensing Osages 
and Cherokees against U. S. gov- 
ernment, 47, footnote; death, 53 
and footnote ; had conunission from 
McCulloch, 54, footnote 
Maxey, Samuel B: assigned to com- 
mand of Indian Territory, 3x1; 
project for sweeping reforms, 3x5 
and footnote; delivers address at 
Armstrong Academy council, 320 



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Index 



391 



and footnote; thinks Indians best 
adapted for irregular warfare, 326 ; 
codperates with Price willingly, 
336-327; rulings, 3>9-33<^ hot- 
note; sets up printing-press for 
propaganda work, 330; speaks in 
own defense, 334; superseded by 
Cooper, 334 

Majrsville (Ark.): 131, 197 

Maremec River (Mo.): 27 

Methodist Episcopal Church South: 
236, footnote 

Mexican War: 70; Roane's conduct 
in, criticised by Pike, 149 

Mexico: Lane in, 42, footnote; teams 
hauling cotton to, 266, footnote 

Miamies: 77, footnote 

Mico Hatki: 62, footnote^ 64, foot' 
note, Z08, footnote, 234 

Middle Boggy (Okla.): 152, 296 

Miles, W. Pordier: 27S, footnote 

Mills, James K: 113 

Mississippi River: 14, footnote^ 26, 
footnote, 34, 268, footnote 

Missouri: 17, 173, footnote; decisive 
result of Battle of Pea Ridge, 13; 
expected Confederacy to force sit- 
uation for her, 18; requisition up- 
on, for troops, 25; relief planned 
by Van Dom, 26, 34; Indians to cut 
off supplies from, 35; fight for, 
on border, 43-44; troops from 
Kansas called to, 48; Denver 
served in, 70; activity of seces- 
sionists, no; Payton, senator from, 
176, footnote; Hindman and others 
plan to reenter southwest, 194, 218 ; 
Delaware Reservation not far dis- 
tant from, 206; Martin refuses to 
consider refugees living upon im- 
poverished people of, 217-2x8; po- 
litical squabbles in, 249, footnote; 
Watie succeeds in entering south- 
western, 312; Boudinot suggests 
arrangements for, 317, footnote 

Missouri Commandery: work dted, 
148, footnote 

Missouri River: 53 



Missouri Sute Guard: 17, 158 

Missouri State Guards: Eighth Divi- 
sion, X30, footnote 

Missourians: customary fighting 
methods during period of border 
warfare, 17, 44; refugee, in Lane's 
Kansas Brigade, 51; inroads re- 
sented by various tribes, 77, foot- 
note; intent upon ignoring First 
Indian Expedition, 1x9, footnote; 
battalion of, at Locust Grove, 131 

Mitchell, Robert B: appointment by 
Robinson, 46, footnote; raises vol- 
unteers to go agamst Indians, 46, 
footnote; needed by Halleck, xoz 
and footnote 

Mix, Charles E: 52, footnote, 60, 
208, footnote 

''Moderates": 304, footnote 

Mograin, Charles: 207, footnote, 241, 
footnote 

Moneka: 46, footnote 

Montgomery, James: 15 and foot- 
note, 45, 53, footnote 

Moonlight, Thomas: 322 

Moore, Charles: 206, footnote 

Moore, Frank: work dted in footnotes 
on pages 83, 84, 135, 184, 257, 287 

Moore, Thomas O: 192, footnote 

Moravian Mission: 194 

Morgan, A. S: 291, footnote, 293 

Morton, Oliver P: 43 and footnote 

Moty Kennard: footnotes on pages 
62, (5, 2(2, 278, 302, 320 

Mundy Durant: 235, footnote 

Munsees: 212 

Muskogee (Okla.) : 288 

Murrow, J. S: 1(2, footnote 

Napier'8 Peninsular Wan Pike's 

study of, 163 
Nebraska Territory: 227, 231 
Neosho (Mo.) : defeat of Federals at, 

X13; Ratliff despatched to, 127; 

Cherokee refugees removed from 

Dr3rwood Creek to, 214, 2x7, 2x8; 

refugees at, 257, footnote, 273 and 

footnote 



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392 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Neotho Agenqr: headquaitera» 46, 50^ 
5a; tribes included within, 48; in 
great confusion, 1x5-116; changes 
in location of, x 16-1x7 

Neosho Palls (Kans.) : 1x3 

Neosho Valley: suitable place for ref- 
ugeesi S6; refugees object to leav* 
ing, S8; Steele plans to replenish 
resources from, a86; Stand Watie 
makes daring cavaliy raid into, 3x3 

New Albany: 80^ footnoU 

New England Relief Society: 87, foot- 
noU 

New Mexico: 61, X13, 151, 338, foot- 
notf 

Newton, Robert C: %^6, footnote 

Newton County (Mo.): 47» footnote 

Newtonia (Mo.): battle of, X94-X95 
and footnotes 

New York Indian Lands: 79; intrud- 
ed upon by white squatters, 80^ 85 ; 
refugees upon, 79, 85; controTer- 
sy over, 85, footnote; Dole makes 
treaty concerning, 135-336 

New York Tribune: 31, footnote, ia6, 
footnote, aa6 

Nicolay, John G: 4a, footnote 

Nineteenth Regiment of Arkansas 
Volunteers: X50^ footnote 

Ninth Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry: 
1x9, footnote; Frederick Salomon, 
colonel, 1x8; part attached to First 
Brigade of First Indian Expedition, 
xa6 

North, The: 4a, footnote, X7X, 345; 
indifference towards West, 43; re- 
construction measures in favor of, 
338; Indian Territory came too 
late into reckonings of, 350 

North Pork of the Canadian (Okla.) : 
X73, footnote 

North Pork Village (Okla.): 173. 
footnote 

Northern Sub-District of Texas: 386, 
303 

OCK-TAH-HAR-SAS Harjo: 338, foot- 
note; elected principal chief by 



refugee Creeks, 89; addresses 
"Our Father," 333 

Office of Indian Affairs: prompt ac- 
tion needed, 47, footnote; approval 
sought, 53; appeal to War Depart- 
ment for restoration of military 
force in Indian Territory, 60; Car- 
ruth, special agent of, accompan- 
ies First Indian Expedition, X33 
and footnote; agents ignored by 
military men of First Indian Ex- 
pedition, X33 and footnote; prof- 
iteering among employees, 308; 
Wattles sent out by, 336; not yet 
prepared to treat with John Ross 
for retrocession of Neutral Lands, 
331 

Oh-Chen-Yah-Hoe-Lah: 69, footnote 

Oke-Tah-hah-shah-haw Qioe: talk, 
66, footnote 

Olathe (Kans.) : 305 

Old George: 303 

Oldhanv Williamson 8: 157 and 
footnote, 176, footnote 

Opoetb-le-yo-ho-la: 34, 63, footnote, 
73, footnote, 76 and footnote, 79; 
defeated by Mcintosh in Battle of 
Chustenahlah, 79; lodges complaint 
against Cdffin, 87; friends oppose 
election of Ock-tah-har-sas Harjo 
as principal chief, 89; interviews 
Lane, 94; Coffin talks with, on sub- 
ject of Indian Expedition, X03-X03, 
footnote; wants *Sragons that 
shoot," 1x7; Creeks under, offered 
home by Osages, 307 and footnote, 
339; Ellithorpe complains of, 3x9, 
footnote; death, 334 

Osage County (Kans.): 80 

Osage Nation: 47, footnote 

Osage Reservation (Kans.) : exposed 
condition of, 55; refugees cross, 
79; intruders upon, 333 and foot- 
note; owners unwilling to cede 
part of, 339-330 

Osage River: 37 

Osages: 35a; bad white men inter- 
fering with, 46; disturbances 



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Index 



393 



among, 46, footnote, 47, footnote; 
Mitchell tchemet to negotiate 
treaty with, 47, footnote; offer at- 
sitUDce to U. Sn 49; John Matth- 
ews, trader among, 53, footnote; 
loyalty asserted, 54, footnote; Cof- 
fin to codperate with Elder in ne- 
gotiating with, 87-88, footnote; at- 
tempt to persuade enlistment for 
First Indian Expedition, 115, 207; 
approached for cession of lands, 
it6, aaa; abandon Cdnfederate 
cause, lai; Weer promotes enlist- 
ment of, lai; senrice rendered by, 
207, footnote; offer home to Creeks, 
207 and footnote^ 229, 237-238; 
memorialize Cdngress, 229; dis- 
gusted with Coffin's draft of treaty 
of cession, 229; Dole makes treaty 
with, 235, 239 and footnote; mas- 
sacre of Confederate officers, 237- 
238, footnote; council of Great and 
Uttle, 237, footnote; unfair ad« 
vantage taken by repifesentatives 
of U. 8. goTernment, 238; terms 
of Dole's treaty with, 239, foot- 
note; makes propositions to Dole, 
240-241, footnote; Dorn reported 
to have funds for, 264, footnote; 
Jim Ned's band involved In seri- 
ous difficulties with, 274, footnote; 
Invited to mter-tribal council, 274- 
275, footnote 
Osceola (Ma): Lane burns, 55 
Ottawas: included within Sac and 
Pox Agency, 212; receive refugees 
upon certain conditions, 212-213; 
extend further hospitality to refu« 
gees, 213, footnote 

Pact, a. T: 65, footnote 

Park Hill (Okla.): Pike tarries at, 
28 ; Drew's regiment stationed near 
III, footnote; Greene sent with 
detachment to Tahlequah and, t%6; 
Blunt's expedidonaiy force reaches, 
193; Phillips has camp at, 258 

Parke County (Ind.): 80^ footnote 



Parks, R. C: 1x3, footnote 
Parks, Thomas J: 248, footnote 
Parsons^ Luke P: 285 
Partisan Rangers: authorized by Con- 
federate government, xxa; W. P. 
Lane's company of Texas, 266, 
footnote 
Paschal Pish: 205, footnote, 236, 

footnote 
Pascofa: (2, footnote 
Patton, James: 47, footnote 
Pawnee Pork: 1x2 
'Taw Paws": 304, footnote 
Payton, R. L. Y: 176, footnote 
Pea-o-pop-i-cult: 65, footnote 
Pearoe, N. Bart: x6, 22, 156, 158 
Pea Ridge (Ark.) : 13, 29, 34, 36, 197 
P«S& Thomas: 256 
Pelzer, Louis: work cited, 260^ foot' 

note 
Peorias: 77, footnote 
Periyville (Okla.)*: X12, 295-296 
Pheasant Bluff (Okla.) : 271, 327 
Phelps, John 8: 49, 199-200 
Phil David: 68, footnote 
Phillips, James A: 126, footnote 
Phillips, William A: 126, 321; foot- 
note; biographical sketch, 126, foot- 
note; commissioned colonel of 
Third Indian, 132; forces engage 
with those of 8und Watie, 163- 
164; Indians under, fought well in 
Battle of Newtonia, 194, 195, foot- 
note; reoonnoissances, 2x8; orders 
buildings at Port Davis destroyed, 
220, footnote; ^ven command of 
Indian Brigade by Blunt, 249; re- 
ports Indian Brigade in sad state, 
»5x; large view of responsibilities 
to Indian Territory, 253; makes 
overtures to Indians, 254; expos- 
tulates against delay in attempting 
recovery of Indian Territory, 257; 
reasons for returning refugees, 
258 ; moves over border, 258 ; com- 
munication with Port Scott threat- 
ened, 272; continues in charge at 
Port Gibson, 305; Indian Home 



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394 ^^^ Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Guards under, only Federal troops 
left in Indian Territory, 31a; un« 
dertakes extended expedition 
through Indian Territory, jaa; 
gives own interpretation to Lin- 
coln's Amnesty Proclamation, jaa- 
Sas ; differences between Blunt and, 
sas; removed from command at 
Port Gibson, 333 ; restored to com- 
mand, 335 

Phisterer, Frederick: work cited in 
footnoUs on pages 30, a88 

Piankeshaws: 77, footnote 

Pickett Papers: work cited in foot- 
notes on pages 171, 173, 175 

Pike, Albert: laS; assigned to com- 
mand of Department of Indian 
Territoiy, ao; report submitted to 
Davis, az; report to be found in 
U. S. War Department, ai, foot- 
note; makes headquarters at Can- 
tonment Davis, aa; anxious to save 
Indian Territory for South, aa-a3; 
ordered to join Van Dorn with 
Indians, a7; becomes ranking offi- 
cer in field, 31; criticism in New 
York Tribune, 31, footnote; au- 
thorizes Indian fighting at Pea 
Ridge, 3a; rejoins army at Cin- 
cinnati, 35; receives orders from 
Maury, 36; talk with Comanches, 
65, footnote; negotiations with Up- 
per Creeks, ((, footnote; negotia- 
tions with Seminoles, 68, footnote; 
intrenches himself at Fort McCul- 
loch, no; report on Indian mili- 
taiy activity, iia; ordered to send 
more important of forces to Little 
Rock, 147; protests against orders 
of May 31 and June 17, 154-156; 
objecu to appointment of Pearce, 
156; reports grievances to Ran- 
dolph, 156; Cherokees exasperated 
by stay at Fort McCulloch, 159; 
letter to Stand Watie, 159, foot- 
note; John Ross complains of, 160; 
prepares resignation, 161; indites 
conciliatory letter to Hindman, 
z6a-i63; student of art of war, 



163; publishes circular address to 
Southern Indians, 165; effect of 
circular, 166 and footnote; corre- 
spondence with Davis, 167-168 ; ar- 
rested by Cooper, 169; entered up- 
on diplomatic career as agent of 
Confederate State Department, 171- 
Z7a and footnote; exceeded in- 
structions in assuming financial 
obligations^ 174, footnote; consid- 
ers remuneration, 175, footnote; 
makes important recommendations 
to Davis, 179; applies to Holmes 
for leave of absence, 190; resigna- 
tion, 19Z and footnote; reenters 
Indian Territoiy, 198] rumors of 
conspiracy with unionists in Tex- 
as, 199; arrested, aoo; sums up 
grievances in letter to Holmes, aoz. 
Appendix; Kirby Smith attempts 
to reemploy for service among In- 
dians of Plains, aoz, 335 ; Steele 
takes umbrage at published state- 
ment, a86, footnote 

<Tins": Z93, a68, footnote 

Planter's House: 74, foohtote, 94, 
footnote 

Pocahontas (Ark.): 25 

Poison Spring (Ark.) : battle of, 3a6- 

317 

Pomeroy, Samuel C: 41, footnote; 
elected senator from Kansas, 4a; 
John Brown's opinion of, 4a, foot- 
note; endorses principle underly- 
ing Fremont's emancipation proc- 
lamation, 56-57 instructed by anti- 
Coffin conspirators, 88, footnote; 
protests against appointment of 
Denver, 97; succeeds in prevent- 
ing appointment of Denver, 98; 
responsibility for Blunt's promo- 
tion, Z07, footnote; advocates con- 
fiscation of Cherokee Neutral 
Lands, aa4; recommends concen- 
tration of tribes of West in In- 
dian Territory, a30^ footnote; in 
company of Dole at Leroy, a39, 
footnote 

Pontiac: 31, footnote 



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Index 



395 



Portlock, E. £: 339, footnoU 
Poteau RiTcr (Okla.): 397, footnoU 
PotUwatomiet: 234 and footnote^ 

274-375, footnote 
Prairie Creek (Ark.): 2x6 
Prairie d'Ane (Ark.) : 326 
Prairie Grove (Ark.) : battle of, 218 

and footnote^ 249 
Prairie Springs: 279 
Price, Sterling: x(, 17, 26, 29, 52, 55, 
56, 127, footnotif 185, 317, foot- 
noti; tries to induce Quantrill and 
his men to enter regular service, 
205, footnote; Hindman's opinion 
of, 270, footnote; conunands in 
District of Arkansas, 299, footnote, 
326 
Prince, William £: 55, 58 
Proctor, A. G: 2x4, 234, footnote 
Provisional Congress: refuses to con« 
firm nomination of Heth, 19; calls 
for information on McCulloch- 
Price controversy, 19; established 
precedents of good faith in Indian 
relations, 172; resolution author- 
izing Davis to send a commission- 
er to Indian nations, 172, footnote, 
'73f footnote;- work of, 173-175 
and footnotes; confers honour up- 
on John Jumper, 174, footnote; 
considerations of committees re- 
garding Indian superintendence, 

175, 17^ 
Pryor, Nathaniel: 145, footnote 
Pryor Creek (Okla.) : 142, 145 

Quantrill, W. C: 45; guerrillas raid 
Black Bob Lands and Olathe, 205; 
raid upon Lawrence, 238, footnote, 
239; work scorned and repudiated 
by McCulloch, 303, footnote; per- 
petrates Baxter Springs massacre, 
304; movements, 304 and footnote; 
Maxey feels no repugnance for 
services of, 326 
Quapaw Agency: 53, footnote 
Quapaw Nation: 46, 50^ footnote 
Quapaws: 48, in First Indian Ex- 
pedition, XZ5, footnote; driven into 



exile, zx6 and footnote; become 
refugees or are drawn into ranks 
of Federal army, 204; some, not 
bona fide refugees, 204, footnote; 
no longer in Second Res^ment of 
Indian Home Guards, 252 
Quapaw Strip (Kans.): 126 
Quesenbuiy, William: 158, 248, foot' 
note 

Rabb'8 Battbrt: 114, footnote 

'^Radicals": 305, footnote 

Rains, James S: 125; makes Tahle- 
quah headquarters of Eighth Divi- 
sion Missouri State Guard, 130, 
footnote; to attempt to reSnter 
southwest Missouri, 194; Cooper 
acts under orders from, 197; in 
disgrace, 198 

Randolph, J. L: 267, footnote, 309, 
footnote 

Randolph, George W: Pike makes 
complaint against Hindman, 156- 
158; sympathy for Pike, 168; de- 
sires to terminate Magruder's de- 
lay, x86; suggests that Price serve 
as second in command under Ma- 
gruder, z86, footnote; reassures 
Pike, 187, 189; instructions to 
Holmes, 189 

Ratliff, Robert W: 121, footnote, 127 

Rector, Elias: 175, x8x, footnote 

Rector, H. M: 185, footnote 

"Red Legs**: 305, footnote 

Red River: 20, 36, 248, 3x1, 3x5 

Reserve Indians: xx2; Pike nego- 
tiates successfully with, 173, foot' 
note; volunteers authorized, 173- 
X74, footnote; disorders among; 
X82; uprising against and murder 
of Leeper undertaken by, Z82-X83; 
Tonkawas almost exterminated by, 
Z84; companies organized among, 
2(6, footnote; fed by contract, 308, 
footnote 

Reynolds, Thomas C: 287, footnote 

Richardson, James D: work cited in 
footnotes on pages 21, 172, 278, 
322 



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396 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Richardson, John M: 113 

Riddle's Station (Okla.): 276, foot- 
note, 393, 295, footnote 

Ritchie, John: applies to Dole for 
new instructions^ 106; appraise- 
ment of, Z06, footnote; dilatoiy in 
movements, 1x4, footnote; dis- 
agreement with Kile, 1x5, foot' 
note; slow in putting in appearance 
at Humboldt, 1x5; conunands Sec- 
ond Regiment Indian Home 
Guards, 1x5; conducts prisoners to 
Port Leavenworth, 144; allows men 
to run amuck at Shirley's Ford, 
197; dismissal from Mrvioe rec-' 
ommended, 197; Phillip's ranking 
officer, 325 

Roane^ J. S: Arkansas left in care of, 
128, 149; asks forces of Pike, X49; 
conduct in Mexican War criticised 
by Pike, 149, footnote; fights duel 
with Pike, 149, footnote; charac- 
ter, X99; arrests Pike, 200 

Roberts, S. A: 308, footnote, 320^ 
footnote 

Robertson, W. S: 225 and footnote 

Robinson, Charles: work cited in 
footnotes on pages x$, 70^ 97i 98, 
226; appointment of Mitchell, 46, 
footnote; opposed to Lane's plans 
for revenge, 55 ; approves of prin- 
ciple underlying Prtownt's proc- 
lamation, 56-57; opposed to enlist- 
ment of Indians, 57; seeks aid of 
Prince, 58; responsible for Stan- 
ton's contesting of Lane's seat, 59, 
footnote; Lane has no intention of 
obliging; 71, footnote; commis- 
sions for First Indian Expedition 
pouring in, X23, footnote; calls 
for volunteers against guerrillas, 
205, footnote; relations with Stev- 
ens, 22(, footnote 

Robinson, William: 62, footnote 

Rocky Creek (Clear Creek): X84, 
footnote 

Rolla (Mo.) : 13, 26 

Roman, Alfred: work cited, 14, foot- 
note, 34, footnote 



Roman Catholic Mission: 87, foot' 
note, X2X, 241, footnote 

Rosengarten, Joseph George: work 
cited, 1x8, footnote 

Ross, John: attitude of faction of, 
towards proposed Confederate mil- 
itary occupation of Indian Terri- 
tory, X5; conmuinicates with Pike 
on movements of Cherokee troops, 
28, footnote; opposed to secession, 
63, footnote; reported to have host 
ready to do service for U. S., 66, 
footnote; loyal to U. 8., 74, foot' 
note; communication from Weer, 
134 and footnote, 135; reply to 
Weer, X35-I3(; submits documents 
justifying his own and tribal ac- 
tions, X36; receives peremptory or- 
der from Cooper, X37; arrested by 
Greeno, X37; suspected of collu- 
sion with captor, X37-138, X92; ad- 
dresses himMlf to Hindman against 
Pike, x6o; on mission to Washing- 
ton, X92 and footnote; formally de- 
posed by convention called by se- 
cessionist Cherokees, X93; receives 
monetary assistance, 214 and foot' 
note; makes {personal appeal to 
Lincoln to enable refugees to be 
returned to homes, 2x5-2x6; and 
associates ready to negotiate for 
retrocession of Neutral Lands, 23 x ; 
Gillpatrick medium of diplomatic 
intercourse between, and First In- 
dian Expedition, 27X 

Ross, Mrs. W. P: work cited, xxx, 
footnote 

Ross, W. W: 234, footnote 

Round Grove (Okla.): X26 

Russell, O. F: X52-X53 

Sac and Fox Agency (Kans.): 54, 
footnote, XX4, footnote; suggested 
removal of refugees to, 2x2; tribes 
included within, 2x2; Osages re- 
pair to, to confer with Dole, 238 
and footnote 

Sacs and Foxes of Mississippi: en- 
counter refugees from Indian Ter- 



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Index 



397 



ritoiy, 80; oflFer home to refugees, 
86; icMrvadon, 87; receive Creeks, 
Choctaws, tnd Chickasaws, 213; 
Kbeme of building houses for, 226 
and footnote \ Dole makes treaty 
with, 235; claim against Creek 
refugees, 235, footnote \ some Sacs 
confer with Carnith, 274, footnote \ 
invited to inter-tribal council, 274- 
>75f footnote 

St Francis River: 20 

St Joe (St Joseph): 74, footnote^ 
it6, 230 

St Louis Republiean: 75, footnote 

Salomon, Frederick: colonel of Ninth 
Wisconsin Volunteer Infantiy, 118; 
in oonunand at Fort Scott, iz8 ; left 
in command at Baxter Springs by 
Weer, tai ; in charge of First Bri- 
gade, First Indian Expedition, 125 ; 
instructions to, with respect to In- 
dian policy of U. S. government, 
134 1 deplorable equipment of 
troops, 138; arrests Weer, 139; 
gives reasons arrest, 140-142; re- 
trograde movement of, 142, 143, 
147, 203; establishes himself at 
Camp Quapaw, 146; ordered by 
Blunt to send troops to support of 
Indian Brigade, 192-193 

Salt Plains: 152, 153 

Sam Cheoote: 62, footnote 

Santa P^ Trail: to intercept trains 
on, 129, footnote, 2(7, footnote; 
Creek regiment to advance toward, 
152 

Scales, J. A: 268, footnote, 277, foot- 
note 

Schaumburg, W. C: 305, footnote 

Schoenmaker, John: 241, footnote 

Schofield, John M: 106, footnote, Z19, 
footnote, Z96, 248, 249 and foot- 
note, 260, 261, 293, 304 and foot- 
note 

Schurz, Carl: 41 and footnote, 42, 
footnote 

Scott, S. 8: acting commissioner of 
Indian affairs, 172, footnote; re- 
marks of, 177, footnote; to inves- 



tigate conditions in Indian Terri- 
tory, t8z; hurries to Leased Dis- 
trict, 184; asks Governor Colbert 
to harbor fugitive Tonkawas, 184, 
footnote; sets out upon tour of in- 
spection, 299; made full commis- 
sioner, 299, footnote; reports to 
Holmes concerning neglect of In- 
dian Territory, 300; rBparts to 
Seddon prospects for three Indian 
brigades, 329 

Scott, T. M : 316, footnote 

Scott, W. H: 287, footnote 

Scott, Winfield S: 48, $6, 69, footnote 

Scott County (Ark.) : 20 

Scullyville (Okla.): 155, 325, and 
footnote 

Second Brigade, First Indian Expe- 
dition: put under Judson, 125 

Second Choctaw Regiment: 312, foot- 
note 

Second Indian Brigade: 327 

Second Indian Expedition: Carnith 
and Martin act in anticipation of, 
133, footnote; Blunt making plans 
for, 196 and footnote, 208, foot- 
note; Blunt discovert that Indians 
stipulate care of families during 
absence, 215 

Second Indiana Battery: tt8, 125 

Second Ohio Cavaliy: it 8, 119, foot- 
note, 125-126 

Second Regiment Cherokee Mounted 
Rifles: commanded by Stand Wa- 
^>c> >5> joins Pike at Cincinnati, 
28; takes position to observe en- 
emy, 32; guiltless of atrocities 
conunitted at Pea Ridge, 32 ; makes 
way to Camp Stephens, 35; detail 
sent with ammunition to main 
army, 35; scouting along northern 
line of Cherokee country, 112; de- 
sertions from, 145 

Second Regiment Indian Home 
Guards: miscellaneous in composi- 
tion, 114 and footnote; men not 
yet mustered in, Z2i; fills up after 
defeat of Confederates at Locust 
Grove, 132; Corwin takes com- 



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398 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



mand of, 144; engagement at Shir- 
ley's Ford, 197; component part of 
Phillips's Indian Brigade, 249; 
Cherokee in composition, 252; 
fought dismounted at Honey 
Springs, 288 ; stationed at Mackey's 
Salt Works, 325 

Sedalia (Mo.): 13 

Seddon, James A: 270^ footnote^ 299, 
footnote, 317, footnote \ instructs 
Scott to attend meeting of council 
at Armstrong Academy, 320; Scott 
reports prospects of forming three 
Indian brigades, 329 

Seminole Battalion: 152, 3x2, footnote 

Seminole Nation: 130 

Seminoles (Confederate) : Murrow, 
agent, x(2, footnote; Pike nego- 
tiates treaty with, 173, footnote \ 
agree to furnish five companies of 
mounted volunteers, 173, footnote; 
Creeks and, want separate military 
department made of Indian Terri- 
tory, 278-279; disperse, 323 

Seminoles (Federal or Unionist): 
Carruth teacher among, 59; desti- 
tution of refugee, 83, footnote; in 
First Regiment Indian Home 
Guards, 1x4 and footnote; attempt 
tribal redrganization, 228 

Senate Committee on Indian AflFairs 
(Confederate): Johnson's bill, 176; 
members, 176, footnote 

Senecas: 48, 204 and footnote 

Seneca-Shawnees: refugees, xx6, 204; 
object to Wyandot treaty, 237, foot- 
note 

Shawnee Agency (Kans.) : 236, foot- 
note 

Shawnee Reserve (Kans.): 205 and 
footnote 

Shawnees: 48; loyal to U. S., 66, 
footnote; in First Indian Expedi- 
tion, 1x3, footnote; from Chero- 
kee country made refugees, xx6; 
implicated in tragedy at Wichita 
Agency, 183; Neosho Agency In- 



dians seek refuge among, 204; are 
depredated upon, 204, 205, foot' 
note; Dole makes treaty with, 235 

Shelby, Jo: 45, 194, 200 

Sheridan, Philip H: work cited, 296, 
footnote 

Sherman (Tex.): X90 

Sherman, William T: 44 

Shians (Cheyennes) : 274, footnote 

Shirley's Ford (Mo.): 197 

Shoal Creek (Mo.) : 1x8, xao, footnote 

Shoe-Nock-Me-Koe: 68, footnote 

Shreveport (La.): 303, footnote 

Sigel, Franz: 29 

Simms, W. £: 176, footnote 

Shcth Kansas Cavalry: 249 

Slavery: 298, footnote 

Smith, James M. C: 173, footnote 

Smith, Caleb P: 60^ footnote, 6x, 99; 
authorizes expenditure of funds for 
relief of refugees, 83 

Smith, John: 62, footnote 

Smith, £. Kirby: 317; seeks to reSm- 
ploy Pike for service among In- 
dians, 20X, 335 and footnote; as- 
signed to conunand, 2(9; approves 
Steele's adoption of Fabian policy, 
297 ; reply to Stand Watie, 297-298, 
footnote; detaches command of In- 
dian Territory from that of Ar- 
kansas, 303; subscribes to idea of 
forming two Indian brigades, 310; 
is stanchest of Steele's friends, 3x1 ; 
opposed to three brigade plan and 
to promotion of Cooper implicit in 
it, 3x8; commends work of Steele, 
3x8; address emended by Maxey, 
' 330; friend of Maxey, 334; holds 
in abeyance orders for retirement 
of Maxey, 334, footnote; enters in- 
to convention with Canby, 335 

Smith's Mill: 28 

Snead, Thomas L: work cited, X5, 
footnote, 296, footnote 

Snow, George C: 80^ footnote, 83, 

footnote 
Soda Springs (Okla.): 291, footnote 



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Index 



399 



South, The: indifference towards 
West, 43 ; loye of home state, great 
bulwark of, 187-188; Chocuws re- 
ported as wavering in allegiance 
to, aao; Indian Territory as sepa- 
rate military entity comes too late 
into reckonings, 150 

Southern Confederacy: decisive re- 
sulu of battle of Pea Ridge, 13; 
expected by Missouri to force sit- 
uation for her, 18; relation of In- 
dian Territoiy determined by 
treaties of alliance, ai; .Pike's 
great purpose to save Indian Ter- 
ritory for, 22-23; Weer suggests 
that Cherokee Nation dissolve its 
alliance with, 134; management of 
Indian affairs of, 149-1 5o> 171; 
view of obligations towards In- 
dians, 174, footnote; policy with 
respect to guerrillas, 205, footnote; 
Wyandots refuse to throw in lot 
with, 206; Kansas politicians want 
to punish Indians for going over 
to, 224; Cherokees repudiate alli- 
ance with, 232; Indians losing 
faith in, 273-274; charged with 
bad faith by Cherokees, 279-281; 
Indian devotion to, re-asserted, 
317; Indians pledge anew loyalty 
to, 323 

Southern Expedition: 73 and footnote 

Southern Indian Regiments: 24-25 

Southern Superintendency (Confeder- 
ate) : establishment delayed by pro- 
longation of Pike's mission, 175; 
bill for establishment of, 176 

Southern Superintendency (Federal): 
117, footnote 

Southwest, The: 46, 70 

Southwestern District of Missouri: 
26-27 

Southwestern Division of District of 
Missouri: 127 

Spavinaw Creek (Okla.): 130, 138 

Spavinaw Hills (Okla.) : 127 

Spears, John: 279 

Speer, John: 43, footnote 



Speight, J. W: brigade of, 246, foot- 
note, 2(7, footnote 

Springfield (Mo.): 26, 51 

Spring; Leverett: work cited in foot- 
notes on pages 15, 52, 97 

Spring River: Z19, 126; Shirley's 
Ford on, 197 

Staked Plains: 153 

Stand Watie : 159, footnote ; colonel of 
Second Regiment Cherokee Mount- 
ed Rifles, 25; men in poor trim 
and undisciplined, 28; men take 
position as corps of observation, 
32; makes way to Camp Stephens, 
3$; scouting, 112, 127; togage- 
ments, 112, 113, 1x9 and footnote; 
encampment on Cowskin Prairie, 
1x9; home of, 127; successful skir- 
mishing commented upon, 152; 
elected Principal Chief, 193; Phil- 
lips compels, to re-cross Arkansas, 
2x8; in command of First Chero- 
kee Regiment, 262, footnote; 
Steele's great reliance upon, 270; 
cavalry raids, 272, 3x2; forced to 
retire from Cabin Creek, 285 ; com- 
manded First and Second Chero- 
kee at Honey Springs, 288; com- 
plaints to Kirby Smith, 297, foot- 
note; related to Boudlnot, 300; 
makes reports and appeals, 30X; • 
proposed advancement, 309; au- 
thorizes formation of Cherokee 
Brigade, 309; Steele's appraise- 
ment of, 3x0; skirmish at Barren 
Fork, 3x2; has command of First 
Indian Brigade, 327; all Cherokee 
military units summoned to camp 
on Limestone Prairie, 328; name 
becomes source of terror, 331; last 
great raid of, 332 

Stanton, Edwin M: 75, footnote, 76; 
refuses to countenance use of In- 
dians as soldiers, 76 and footnote; 
efficient administration of, 96; dep- 
recates interference in military af- 
fairs in Kansas, 98 and foot- 
note 



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400 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Stanton, Frederick P: 59, 72, footnoU 

State Department (Confederate) : 171, 
17a, footnoti 

State Rights: x8 

Statutes at Large of Provisional Gov- 
ernment: work citedy 174, footnoti 

Steams, Frank Preston: work cited, 
in footnotes on pages 42, 87 

Steele, Frederick: in command of De- 
partment of Arkansas, 322 ; argues 
over military status of Fort Smith, 
321-322 

Steele, James: special agent, 100; in- 
fers Halleck unfavorable to In- 
dian expedition, lox; presents 
credentials at arsenal at Fort Leav- 
enworth, xoi; Sac and Fox chiefs 
willing to abide by decision, 235, 
footnoti 

Steele, William: 247; to report to 
Holmes for duty, 245, footnote; 
preferred to Cooper, 246; sends 
most of troops in direction of Red 
River, 248; takes large view of 
responsibilities to Indian Territory, 
253; difficulties and embarrass- 
ments, 26X-269; appeal for loyalty 
to Confederate cause, 267-268, foot- 
note; ex officio superintendent of 
Indian affairs, 275-276 ; regards In- 
dian Territory as buffer, 276 ; influ- 
ences to undermine, 278; makes 
stand in Creek country, 291; op- 
position to, 310; command in bad 
condition, 292; crosses from Creek 
into Choctaw country, 295; jour- 
neys to Bonham to consult with 
McCuUoch, 302-303; command de- 
tached from that of Arkansas, 303 ; 
size of force, 305, footnote; work 
discredited and disparaged by 
Cooper, 306; policy and practice 
in matter of feeding indigents and 
refugees, 307 and footnote; reliev- 
ed of command of Indian Terri- 
tory, 3x1; Kirby Smith commends 
work, 3x8 

Stettaner Bros: 21 x, footnote 



Stevens, Robert S: 2xx, footnote, 2x2, 

226 and footnote 
Stevens, Thaddeus: 57, 60, footnote 
Stidham, George W: 62, footnote, 

X73, footnote 
Stockton's Hall: 58 and footnote 
Sturgis, S. D: Lane ordered to coop- 
erate with, 56; placed in conmMind 
of District of Kansas, 98; policy 
with respect to First Indian Expe- 
dition, X03-X04; opposed to idea 
of Indian expedition, xa4; military 
despotism, xa4; forbids enlistment 
of Indians, X05; refusal to rein- 
state Weer, xx7, footnote 
Sugar Creek (Ark.): 30^ footnote 
Sumner, E. V: 260^ footnote 
Susquehanna River: 232 

Tahlbquah (Okla.): 132* 136; Rains 
makes headquarters, X30, fotnote; 
Hindman places white cavalry at, 
X92; Blunt's expeditionary force 
seizes archives and treasury of 
Cherokee Nation, X93 ; Hindman ap- 
pears in, X93; steamer, 263, footnote 

Talliaferro (Taliaferro?), T. D: 267, 
footnote 

Tandy Walker: supporter of Coop- 
er, 265; recruits among Choctaws, 
265; appointment, 265, footnote; 
asks for establishment of Indian 
Territory as separate military de- 
partment, 279; commanded Regi- 
ment of Choctaws and Chickasaws 
at Honey Springs, 288; indulging 
in petty graft, 306, footnote; ser- 
vice of Choctaws under, in Cam- 
den campaign, 326; has command 
of Second Indian Brigade, 327 

Tawa Kuwus: 274, footnote 

Taylor, N. G: 207, footnote 

Taylor, R: 297, footnote 

Taylor, Samuel M: 279 

Tecumseh: 73, footnote 

Te-Nah: 65, footnote 

Tenth Kansas Infantry: xx7, xx8 

Texans: assist Indians at Leetown 



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Index 



401 



CDgagement, 31; away figfadog 
''the cold weather people," 65, foot- 
note; circulate maliciout stories 
about Pike, 160, footnote \ disposi- 
tion towards self-sacrifice, 268 ; DOt 
possible to deal with Indians ar- 
bitrarily, 316 

Texas: 179; requisition upon, for 
troops, 25; Pike to call for troops 
from, 36; way to, likely to be 
blocked by Southern Indians, 61; 
Pike wants to be near, 151; anti- 
Pike reports spreading through, 
169; road from Missouri to, 173, 
footnote \ Oldham, senator from, 
176, footnote \ rumors current that 
Pike is conspiring with unionists, 
in, 199; deuched from Trans- 
Mississippi Department, 245'H^ ! 
cotton speculation alluring men 
with ready money, 24S, footnote; 
public feeling towards deserters, 
%66t footnote; great commissary 
depot west of Mississippi, 268, 
footnote; Bankhead becomes 
alarmed for safety of, 287, 292; 
virtual chaos in, 303; Steele con- 
tracts for clothing in northern, 308 

Thayer, John M: 324 and footnote 

Thayer, William Roscoe: work cited 
in footnotes on pages 41, 45, 96 

Third Choctaw Regiment: 321 

Thomas, L: 74-75, footnote^ 100, 109, 
footnote 

Throckmorton, James W: 335, foot- 
note 

Thurston's House: 54, footnote 

Timiny Barnet: 62, footnote 

Tishomingo (Okla.) : 200 

Toe-Lad-Ke: talk, 67, footnote; sig- 
nature, 69, footnote 

Tonkawas: negotiations with Pike, 
182; about one-half of, butchered, 
184; surviving, flee to Fort Ar- 
buckle, 184 and footnote 

Toombs, Robert: 171, footnote^ 173, 
footnote 

Totten, James: 197 



Trans-Mississippi Department: 128, 
footnote^ 149, 168, 186, 187, Z92, 
245-246, 269, 270 and footnote^ 315, 
318-319 

Trans-Mississippi District of Depart- 
ment no. 2: 14, 19, 20^ 25, 127, 
footnote^ 128, footnote, 190^ 191 

Treaties of Alliance: 21, 23 and foot- 
note, 173 and footnote 

Trench, £. B: 2x5, footnote 

Turner, £. P: 292, footnote 

Turner, John W: 83 and footnote 

Tus-te-nu-ke-ema-ela: 108, footnote 

Tus-te-nuk-ke: 108, footnote 

Upper Creeks: 62, footnote 
Usher, John P: 231, 239, footnote 

Van Buren (Ark.) : 162, footnote, 177 
Van Dorn, Earl: 14, footnote, 20^ 25, 
a«, 34» 35, 36; appointment, 19; 
failure to credit Indians in report, 
31 and footnote, 148; orders In- 
dians to harass enemy on border 
of own country, 35-36, no; tele- 
graphic request to Davis, 127, foot- 
note, z86; diverts and appropriates 
Pike's supplies, 147-14S and foot- 
note ; hopes Price will be successor, 

185 

Vann's Ford: 144 

Vaughan, Champion: 305, footnote 

Vaughn, Richard C: 2x8, footnote 

Verdigris River: 76, 79, 80^ 85, X42, 
X44, X45, 2XO-2XX, footnote, 273, 
footnote; tributary of Arkansas, 22 

Verdigris Valley: 79, 85 

Vernon County (Mo.) : 304, footnote 

Vicksburg (Miss.): x88, footnote, 
259, 260^ 283, 30X, footnote 

Villard, Henry: work cited, 45, foot- 
note 

Villard, Oswald Garrison: work cit- 
ed, 226, footnote 

Vore, Israel G: 302 and footnote 

Wakoes (Wacoes) : ^6, footnote; sent 
out as runners, 274, footnote 



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402 The Indian as Participant in the Civil War 



Walker, L. P: 172, footnote 

Walnut Creek (Kant.): 79, 85, 15a, 
205, footnote 

Walnut Grove: 35 

Walworth, E: 329, footnote 

War Department (Confederate) : 127, 
Z72 and footnote, 186, 318 

War Department (Federal): 60 and 
footnote, 73, footnSte, 76, 99, 100 

Warren (Tex.) : 190 

Warrentburg (Mo.): 58 

Washington (George): 65, footnote 

Washington Territory. 232 

Wattles, Augustus: 46, footnote, 54, 
footnote, 57, 225-228 

Wattles, Stephen H: 131, footnote, 
333 and footnote 

Weas: 77, footnote 

Webber's Falls (Okla.): 216, 255, 
260^ 271, 276, 287, footnote 

Weed, Thurlow: work cited, 60^ foot' 
note 

Weer, William: 117 and footnote, 
119, X20, 121, 130, 133; ideas on 
Indian relations with U. S. govern- 
ment, 133, footnote; conununica- 
tion with Ross, 134; proposes Cher- 
okee Nation abolish slavery by 
vote, Z34, footnote; sends out two 
detachments to reconnoitre, 136; 
joins Campbell at Fort Gibson, 136- 
Z37; faults and failures, 139, 140- 
Z42; arrested by Salomon, 1391 
Ritchie's men run amuck and attack 
their comrades in brigade of, 197 

Welch, O. G: 29 

Wells, J. W: 267, footnote 

West, The: indifference towards, 43; 
character of war in, 44; diaracter 
of leaders, 45; criticism of Con- 
federate management of Indian af- 
fairs in, Z49-150; establishment of 
Indian superintendency left unset- 
tled by Provisional Government, 
I74'i75! Price submits plan of 
operations for, x86, footnote; cir- 
cumstances and conditions concern- 
ing migrations of eastern tribes 



227; project for concentrating 
tribes in Indian Territory, 230, 
footnote; keep too many men need- 
lessly in, 259; desertions, 292 and 
footnote 

Western Military District: 43, 47, 
footnote 

West's Battery: 267, footnote 

Whistler, W: 69, footnote 

White, George E: 157, footnote 

White Auziliaiy (Confederate) : 
urged by Pike, 24 and footnote; 
ordered to Little Rock, 129, 147; 
Kirby Smith thinks possible to sep- 
arate from Indian troops, 3x0 

White Auxiliary (Federal): Dole's 
recommendation regarding, 99 ; 
Stanton's instructions regarding, 
too; not heard from, 102; orders 
for, 109 and footnote; Indians ask 
for evidence of existence, xx8 ; com- 
position, zz8; comparison with In- 
dians, Z23 and footnote; brigaded 
with Indian Home Guards, 125; 
retrograde movement, 143, 203; 
Blunt orders Salomon to send to 
support of Indian Brigade, 192- 
X93, 203 

White Chief: 68, footnote 

White Cloud: 77, footnote 

White Hair: 207, footnote, 238, foot- 
note; principal chief of Osages, 
240, footnote 

Whitney, H. C: 50, footnote, 52, foot- 
note, 54, footnote 

Wichita Agency: 64, footnote; trag- 
edy, Z83-Z84; Belmont, temporar>', 
274, footnote 

Wichita Mountains: 153 

Wigfall, Louis T: 264, footnote, 277, 
footnote 

Wilder, A. Carter: 230^ footnote, 322, 
footnote 

Wilder, D. W: 58, footnote, 305, 
footnote 

Willamette River: 232 

Williams, James M: 284, 285 

Williams, the: 327 



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Index 



403 



WilliamtoD, George: 327 

Wiltoo, Hill P: work cited, 226, foot- 
noU 

Wilton's Creek (Mo.) : battle of, 34, 
footnoti, 49 

Wolcott, Edward: 83, footnote 

Wolf Creek (Ark.) : 135, 136, 145, 164 

Wood, W. D: 218, footnote 

Woodbum, Jamet Albert: work cit- 
ed, 57, footnote, 60^ footnote 



Woodruff's Battery: 147, 150, 154 
Wright, Marcus J: work cited, 19, 

footnote, 187, footnote 
Wyandot City (Kans.) : 204, footnote 
Wyandots: robbed by secessionist In- 
dians, 206 and footnote; escape in- 
to Kansas, 206; want to render 
military service, 206, footnote; 
Dole's abortive treaty with, ^36- 
237, footnote 



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